Presidency of the Democratic League of Kosovo with Fatmir Sejdiu at the helm (former President of Kosovo who resigned from the post recently),
Владислав Б. Сотировић
has made a decision to leave the ruling parliamentary coalition with the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK), headed by Hashim Thachi, an acting PM of Republic of Kosovo. Currently, Kosovo is in the institutional crisis waiting for the new presidential and most probably parliamentary elections after which the new set of negotiations upon “technical questions” with Belgrade under the EU supervision are going to take place.
At the same time KFOR Commander Erhard Buhler on October 16th said that to change the situation in northern Kosovo (controlled by Serbs) would be used “all the necessary instruments, including weapons” and that “the EULEX mission will not lack support for the arrest of criminals”. This new development of political situation at Kosovo arises once again a question of regional stability and security of the Balkans.
Southeast Europe, and especially the Balkan Peninsula, have traditionally been the object of numerous geopolitical, geostrategic and publicist analyses, as well as the subject of debates among Balkan, European and global experts in international relations. At the present, along with the Serbian and Macedonian questions, the most controversial issue is the Albanian national question.
The basic problem concerns security in a broader geopolitical framework, which is understandable, but at least as far as Western analysts are concerned, other issues have priority such as human rights, democracy and other issues that might become dominant in a given phase of crisis solving.
The preservation of regional security and the creation of stable political-economic relations in the Balkan Peninsula are the priorities of the international community policy, since it estimates that currently the most important hotbeds on Europe are located in Kosovo, in Albania and in western Macedonia.
Judged according to investments, resources and geostrategic element, the province of Kosovo is worth more than 500 billion dollars. This fact favoured the Albanian secessionist leadership in its efforts to assume the guidance of the Albanian people, which might play an important role in the global control of the south-eastern part of Europe. The premise “Whoever has control of the Balkans and of Kosovo and Macedonia, controls the stability and the instability of Europe” has been put to good use by the Albanian leaders by trying to destabilize this part of the European continent in order to benefit by creating “Greater Albania”, i.e. by generating a monopoly of power and might in the Balkans. Their efforts are designed to provide the solution to the “Kosovo Question” and “Macedonian Question” by involving international factors, to the point that internationalization of the problems is sought at any cost, including inciting and taking part in terrorist activities, devised to frighten the Serbian and Slavic Macedonian people and force them to emigrate and abandon the land to the secessionists.
The political objectives of the Albanian secessionists in Kosovo and western Macedonia encompassing both conventional and unconventional forms of activities by political parties, unions, media, supported by terrorism, guerrilla, contraband, drugs smuggling and violence of all sorts, are merely a mosaic revealing a rejection of the authority of Serbia and Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, and a collective resistance to the Serbian and Slavic Macedonian people and political parties, regardless of their political programs, party activities and attitude towards the present government.
Kosovo and Macedonia are the regions with enormous historical and civilizational importance for European culture, especially in view of resisting to the expansion of Islamism in Europe.
The last civil war in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992-1995), concluded by the Dayton-Paris Agreement (1995), also represents an attempt to ensure the penetration of Islamism in the Balkans and to link a major number of states and regions to the Moslem population and Islam as the religion of the majority. Part of this process includes the long-term effort of the Albanian leadership to form the “Greater Albania”, encompassing present day Republic of Albania, Kosovo, as well as western Macedonia, eastern Montenegro and north-west Greece. Strikes staged by ethnic Albanian miners and university students in Kosovo back in 1988 and 1989, have escalated into outbreaks of violence with tragic consequences, forcing the Serbian government to take energetic measures to suppress anti-governmental and terrorist activities and re-establish normal life condition in this part of the Republic. This is why at the beginning of the 1990’s, terrorist groups and their leaders adopted a new strategy, which was intensified in 1996 and 1997. It was characterized by attacks focused on government institutions, Serbs, Montenegrins and ethnic Albanians, which were judged to be helping the reinforcement of legal and legitimate authority of Serbia and Yugoslavia. Later, the same scenario was going on in western Macedonia.
In just a few months at the end of 1997 and at the beginning of 1998, the activity of the terrorists in Kosovo (organized in spring 1995 as Kosovo Liberation Army or UCK) have caused the death of more than 70 citizens and members of Serbian Police and Yugoslav Army up to February 1998 when Serbian security forces started attacking the UCK bases across Kosovo. Such an escalation of violence, as in 2001 in Macedonia, was the result of thorough preparations of secessionists in Albania and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and of the support of various Moslem countries, particularly Iran and its Islamic extremist militant institutions and organizations. According to US reports from 1998, “world terrorist and national enemy № 1”, Bin Ladin, was several weeks in Albanian capital Tirana coordinating and financing UCK’s activities in Kosovo. Finally, it is known that Saudi Arabia gave substantial financial aid to Muslim government in Sarajevo during the last two years of Bosnian civil war (as presented at the SKY News documentary movie of 9 min.).
There are many indications which suggest that military activities of Albanian secessionists in western Macedonia in 2001 were sponsored by some Islamic countries on the first place by Iran. However, as Iran is US “national enemy № 2” these terrorist activities of Albanian Islamic extremists in western Macedonia have not been so welcomed by US administration as it was the case with Bosnian Islamic government because this government in Sarajevo was financially sponsored mainly by Islamic Saudi Arabia, which is “friend № 1” in the Arabic world of US administration.
Владислав Б. Сотировић