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Tokom obeležavanja Dana sećanja na Holokaust u nedelju, UN su otvorile i izložbu koja je odavala poštu pravednicima Albanije koji su rizikovali sve da bi spasili jevrejske živote tokom holokausta.

Džulija Gorin

Izložba je u UN stigla iz Jad Vašema, gde je bila otvorena dva meseca. I dok zaista treba da se oda pošta i priznanje Pravednicima iz svih nacija, problem sa ovom izložbom je, ustvari, njen skriveni plan. Jevreje, isto kao i albanske pravednike iz Drugog svetskog rata koriste današnji Albanci da bi uspevali u rasističko-supremacijskoj završnici na Balkanu, gde su počela oba svetska rata odnoseći pre svega jevrejske i srpske živote.

I vreme kad je izložba otvorena je veoma specifično. Nezavisno Kosovo je na dohvatu Albanaca, a Albanci su već ranije poučeni, još od ratova u Bosni i Hrvatskoj pa rata na Kosovu, da je prodaja priče o Jevrejima u vašoj verziji etničkog rivalstva može da vam otvori vrata. I zaista, 70 miliona hrvatskih, bosanskih i albanskih dolara potrošenih u PR firmama, usmerenim prema važnijim jevrejskim organizacijama, uspeli su da dovedu do jevrejske podrške na stranu otvoreno naci-nostalgične Hrvatske devedesetih godina prošlog veka, čiji je predsednik Franjo Tuđman napisao knjigu u kojoj se poricao holokaust i impliciralo da su Jevreji sami bili krivi za žrtve u holokaustu. PR firme su uspele i da Jevreji podrže stranu bosanskih muslimana čiji je predsednik Alija Izetbegović napisao Islamsku deklaraciju u kojoj je potvrdio da je muslimanska država nekompatibilna sa zapadnim vrednostima. Isto tako su dovele i do jevrejske podrške Oslobodilačkoj vojsci Kosova koju je potpomagao Hezbolah, a finansirao i trenirao bin Laden, protiv Srba, koji su zajedno sa Jevrejima ubijani u koncentracionim logorima.

Nakon Jevreja, Srbi su isto tako bili ciljna grupa za uništenje tokom Drugog svetskog rata, i dok su Jevreji i Srbi zajedno umirali u logorskom kompleksu Jasenovac koji je vodila Hrvatska, saveznica sila Osovine, Albanci i Bošnjaci su formirali vlastite dobrovoljačke SS jedinice.

Albanci užurbano završavaju otimanje zemlje od Srbije, države čiji je narod zbacio Slobodana Miloševića još gotovo pre jedne decenije, izabravši prozapadnjačke lidere. Uzimanje Kosova je bio cilj od početka, kada je OVK počela ubijati Srbe, zajedno sa Albancima i Romima koji su radili kao poštari u službi jugoslovenske vlade ili su samo bili prijatelji ili bili mešanih brakova sa Srbima. I kao da jevrejska izdaja svojih istorijskih saveznika i sa-žrtava nije bilo dovoljno perverzno, danas je Kosovo etnički čista država, očišćena od gotovo svih manjina: Srba, Roma, Goranaca, Bošnjaka, Hrvata – i Jevreja.

Pre nego što se Jad Vašem složio da omogući ovu izložbu i da, i ne hoteći, omogući zlosrećnu novu „Kosovu“, trebalo je da se zapita zašto je čak i poslednjih 15 Jevreja moralo da pobegne iz glavnog grada Kosova, bez ičega osim odeće koju su imali na sebi, kada je OVK prohujala kroz njihove domove 1999. U to vreme, predsednik malene jevrejske zajednice u Prištini, Čedomir Prlinčević, pričao je kako su mu dvadesetak ljudi provalili u porodični stan: „Moja majka, osamdesetogodišnja starica, doživela je srčani udar, jer ju je to podsetilo na 1943, kada su Hitlerove SS jedinice na isti način provalile u njen stan.“

Zaista, rušenje i skrnavljenje pravoslavnih crkava, manastira i grobalja, koje se nastavilo nakon što je NATO Kosovo poklonio Albancima, i jevrejsko groblje, koje se nalazi uz srpsko u selu Velika Hoča, takođe je bilo vandalizovano, kako čitamo u knjizi Prikrivanje genocida na Kosovu (prim. prev: Ustvari se radi o jevrejskom groblju u Prištini).

Činjenica da se holokaust koristi za supremacijske ciljeve prevazilazi svaku pristojnost. I zamena teza tu ne prestaje. Izložba ponavlja onu nepouzdanu statistiku koju ova obnovljena albanska kampanja, koncentrisana na Jevreje, širi gotovo već tri godine: Albanija je bila jedina zemlja u kojoj je nakon rata bilo više Jevreja nego na početku. I bez obzira što je to isto tako bio slučaj i sa Španijom, Švedskom i Finskom, u kojima je bilo mnogo više Jevreja nego onih 200 iz Albanije, treba primetiti da je ovaj albanski račun smišljen da ne uzima u obzir Kosovo, čiju nezavisnost Albanci tako priželjkuju. Tamo su Albanci pomogli oko 600 Jevreja, od kojih je većina završila u Bergen Belzenu. Drugim rečima, više je Jevreja odvedeno s Kosova nego što ih je ikad pre rata živelo u Albaniji.

Pravednika (prim. prev: naziv koji Jevreji danas daju nejevrejima koji su Jevreje pomagali i spasavali tokom holokausta) je bilo među svim narodima Evrope; više Nemaca spašavalo je Jevreje nego Albanci. A sa drue strane spektra, više je Srba spasilo Jevreje nego Albanaca. No, očigledno, srpskim spasiteljima nikad nije pala na um ideja da se hvalisaju spasavanjem Jevreja kao što to ovaj ekspanzionistički rival koristi protiv njih.

I tako je jevrejsku dobru volju podržao i nacionalistički pokret koji je u Drugom svetskom ratu stvorio nacističku organizaciju Bali Kombtar, koja je na Kosovu i dan danas aktivna. Isto tako i vojne oznake albanske nacističke SS Skenderbeg divizije, koje prikazuju albansku nacionalnu zastavu, danas nose pripadnici Kosovskog zaštitnog korpusa. Jevrejska zahvalnist, u ovom osetljivom trenutku iskazana prema albanskim Pravednicima, iskorištava se za stvaranje nove države čije je osnivače delom obučavao sin nacističkog Luftvafe generala zaduženog za Hitlerovo bombarovanje Beograda 1941, države u kojoj restoran „Hitler“ radi bez mnogo kontroverze, državu koju vode „bivši“ pripadnici OVK, za čije je vođe i pripadnike novinar Njujork Tajmsa, Kris Hedžis piše u časopisu Forin Afers, 1999:

„svodi se na bizarnu ideološku dividendu, sa elementima fašizma s jedne strane i nijansama komunizma sa druge. Prvu grupu vode sinovi i unuci desničarskih albanskih boraca, bilo da se radi o potomcima onih što su se borili u fašističkim odredima Drugog svetskog rata i dobrovoljcima Skenderbeg SS divizije, koju su osnovali nacisti, ili pak potomcima desničarskih albanskih kačaka koji su ustajali na Srbe pre 80 godina. Iako nije bila neka borbena jedinca, divizija Skenderbeg je učestvovala u sramnim hapšenjima i deportacijama onih nekoliko stotina Jevreja tokom holokausta.

Tokom devedestih, Albanci su pomogli da se ponovo oformi bosanska verzija Skenderbeg divizije, Handžar SS divizija:

Od oko 6000 ljudi, Handžar divizija odiše fašističkom kulturom. Vide se kao naslednici SS Handžar divizije, koju su bosanski muslimani formirali 1943. da se bore na strani nacista. Njihov duhovni uzor bio je Mohamed Amin al Husein, Veliki muftija jerusalimski, koji je podržavao Hitlera. Prema jednom službeniku UN, izgleda da začuđujuće malo onih na dužnosti u Handžar diviziji u Fojnici dobro govori srpsko-hrvatski. „Većina njih su Albanci, bilo s Kosova… ili Alabnije,“ (otkriva taj službenik).

Izložba nosi ime BESA: Kodeks časti – Albanci muslimani koji su spasavali Jevreje tokom rata. Stranica Jad Vašema o ovoj izložbi ovako opisuje Besu: „Izuzetna pomoć koja je pružena Jevrejima utemeljena je u Besi, kodeksu časti, koji i danas i dalje služi kao najveći etički kodeks u zemlji. Besa doslovno znači „održati obećanje“. Onaj ko se ponaša u skladu sa besom je čovek koji drži datu reč, neko kome možete da poverite kako svoj, tako i život svoje porodice. Čini se da je ovaj kodeks izrastao iz islama kako se kod Albanaca interpretira.

Naglašavanje „muslimanstva“ kod Albanaca je izrazito, u oštrom kontrastu u odnosu na njegovo nenaglašavanje kada su Jevreji i zapadne sile krenule da Albance podržavaju u borbi protiv Srba. Ono što nedostaje iz definicije bese je njena najčešća primena – obećanje da se ne ubije osoba koja je uključena u krvnu osvetu, poput onih koje su vladale Albanijom, a sada i Kosovom i Makedonijom tokom nekoliko poslednjih godina kada je ponovo oživelo ovo drevno varvarstvo.

Na stranici Jad Vašema dalje piše:

Herman Bernstin, ambasador SAD u Albaniji, piše 1934: „Ne postoji nikakav trag diskriminacije protiv Jevreja u Albaniji, jer je Albanija jedna od retkih zemalja Evrope danas gde ne postoji religijska predrasuda, iako su i sami Albanci podeljeni u tri vere.“

Čovek se zapita može li da se diskutuje da li je lomljenje krstova sa srpskih pravoslavnih crkava, koje su štitile i Srbe i Albance tokom NATO bombardovanja, a zatim njihovo paljenje i uriniranje po zgarištima verska ili rasna mržnja, ali po Andiju Vilkoksonu, američkom stručnjaku na suđenju Miloševiću: „9. septembra 1901, britanski diplomatski telegram poslta markizu Landsovnu glasi: „Stara Srbija (Kosovo) je još uvek nemiran region zbog albanskih bezakonja, osveta i rasne mržnje.“

Više od jednog veka kasnije, izgleda da su se stvari veoma malo promenile.

I dok je važno da se proslave pređašnji akti nesebičnosti i pravednosti u Albanaca, čovek ne može da zaboravi šta taj narod sada čini, direktno nipodaštavajući samu misiju Jad Vašema. Ako su Srbi bili „opravdane“ mete albanske mržnje 1999, zašto su onda i Jevreji, Romi, Goranci, Bošnjaci i Hrvati morali da odu da bi se primio koren nove „Kosove“? Možda zbog toga što je ova mržnja i bila sredstvo od samog početka?

To je sve očigledno bilo zanemareno od Jevreja koji su bili uključeni ili su odobrili ovu izložbu, koja prikazuje rad fotografa iz Kolorada, Normana Geršama, sedamdesetpetogodišnjaka, veterana Vol Strita koji se nedavno sam opisao u Veil Dejli kao polutan između Jevreja i sufiste, i koji se moli muslimanskom molitvom na arpaskom pre nego što uđe u avion. Geršmanova misija koja i dalje traje tokom ovog džihada, bila je da traži muslimane po čitavom svetu koji su tokom Drugog svetskog rata spasavali Jevreje.

Jevrejski musliman Geršman je svestan današnje kosovske mućke, i javno je izneo svoj stav kada je opisao da se Kosovo „bori“ za nezavisnost od Srbije, i ponovio jednu od svagdašnjih popularnih fraza albanskog lobija, a koju je nedavno ponovio i albanski ambasador u Izraelu na jednoj od stranica Džeruzalem posta:

„Svi Albanci su spasavali Jevreje“.

To, ustvari, zanemaruje stvarnost Drugog svetskog rata na Kosovu. Geršman otkriva da Eli Vizel – koji je, u trenutku istorijske lucidnosti, odrekao se pre nekoliko godina svoje podrške antihumanitarnoj NATO intervenciji na Kosovu – podržava ono na čemu radi Geršmanova fondacija. Fondacija „Aj kontakt“, koju vodi još jedan Jevrejin iz Kolorada, Stiv Kaufman, kako piše Vejl Dejli, već je izdala knjigu i DVD koji govore o građanima Albanije… koji su štitili i pomagali Jevreje da pobegnu od nacista u Nemačkoj, kao i dokumentarni film u produkciji kuće koja je dobila nagradu Emi. Tako, izložba je tek uvod za ono što sledi.

Da je Jad Vašem imao više istorijskog iskustva, složio bi se da ovu izložbu otvori za, recimo, šest meseci, kad se razreši pitanje otimanja zemlje, mirnim ili nasilnim načinom. Umesto toga, efektno je zauzeo stav, i to takav koji naglavačke postavlja istoriju, jer muzej neoprezno ukazuje i na rezultat:

povratak na granice Albanije koje je odredio Hitler (a koje uključuju aneksiju Kosova Albaniji), i ostvarenje albanskog cilja Velike Albanije „pod istom zastavom koja sad vijori na Kosovu“, kao što je nedavno ukazano u pismu u Fajnenšal Tajmsu.

Naoružani pečatom odobrenja Jad Vašema, UN sada ponosno ponavlja ogromnu istorijsku grešku.

Kao i Eli Vizel, i Džon Ranc je preživeo holokaust i on je ono što su istorijski plitkoumni Jevreji zapada pomogli da se uradi Srbiji na korist Albanije (koja sve do prošle nedelje nije dozvoljavala izraelskim avionima da lete na komercijalnim letovima sa njenih granica) označio kao naš „najveći sram“.

Piše: Džulija Gorin; četvrtak, 31. januar 2008.

Izvor: FrontPageMagazine.com

Originalni tekst pročitajte ovde.

Promoting the Birth of a Supremacist State

By Julia Gorin
FrontPageMagazine.com | Thursday, January 31, 2008

Marking International Holocaust Remembrance Day on Sunday, the UN put on display an exhibit paying tribute to the Righteous of Albania who risked all to save Jewish lives during the Holocaust. The exhibit arrived at the UN from Yad Vashem, where it was on display for two months. While the Righteous of any nation indeed should be acknowledged and commemorated, the problem with the exhibit is its underlying agenda. Jews, along with the Albanian Righteous of WWII, are being used by the Albanians of today to advance a racially supremacist end game in the Balkans, where world wars start—and cost principally Jewish and Serbian lives.

The timing on this exhibit is very specific. An independent Kosovo is within Albanian grasp, and the Albanians learned early on—starting with the Bosnian and Croatian wars followed by the Kosovo war—that selling the Jews on your version of an ethnic rivalry can open doors. Indeed, 70 million Croatian, Bosnian and Albanian dollars spent on PR firms targeting major Jewish organizations managed to bring Jewish support on the side of an openly Nazi-nostalgist Croatia of the 1990s whose president (Franjo Tudjman) had written a Holocaust-denying book implicating the Jews themselves in Holocaust deaths. The PR also succeeded in bringing Jewish support to the side of a Muslim Bosnia whose president (Alija Izetbegovic) had written the Islamic Declaration (affirming the incompatibility of a Muslim state and Western values). And it brought Jewish support on board a Hezbollah-assisted, bin Laden-financed and -trained Kosovo Liberation Army—against the Serbs, who were killed together with Jews in concentration camps.

Behind the Jews, the Serbs were also targeted people for elimination during WWII, and while Jews and Serbs died together in Axis power Croatia’s Jasenovac camp complex, Albanians and Bosnians formed their own volunteer SS units.

Albanians are in the midst of completing their land grab from Serbia, a country whose people ousted Slobodan Milosevic almost a decade ago in favor of Westward-looking leaders. The acquisition of Kosovo was the goal from the start, when the Kosovo Liberation Army first began killing Serbs, along with Albanians and gypsies (Roma) who worked even as postmen for the Yugoslav government or simply had inter-ethnic friendships or marriages with Serbs. As if getting the Jews to betray their historical ally and co-victim weren’t perverse enough, today’s Kosovo is an ethnically purified state, cleansed of almost all of its minorities: Serbs, Roma, Gorani (mountain Muslims), Bosnian Muslims, Croats—and Jews.

Before Yad Vashem agreed to feature the exhibit and became an unwitting enabler of the ill-begotten new “Kosova,” it should have asked why even the last 15 Jews in Kosovo’s capital had to clear out, with just the clothes on their backs, when the KLA stormed their homes in 1999. At the time, the president of Pristina’s tiny Jewish community, Cedomir Prlincevic, spoke of two dozen armed men breaking into his family’s apartment: “My mother, who is 80 years old, suffered a heart attack because it reminded her of 1943 when Hitler’s SS units broke into her apartment in the same way.”

Indeed, in the destruction and desecration of Orthodox churches, monasteries and cemeteries that has continued apace since NATO gifted Kosovo to the Albanians, the Jewish cemetery that adjoins the Serbian one in the village of Velika Hoca has also been vandalized, according to the book Hiding Genocide in Kosovo.

That the Holocaust would be used to further a supremacist agenda defies all decency. Nor do the inversions end there. The exhibit repeats the catchy statistic which this renewed Jewish-focused Albanian campaign has been circulating for almost three years: Albania was the only European country to end up with more Jews after the war than it had at the beginning. Never mind that this was also the case with Spain, Sweden and Finland—all of which had vastly more Jews than Albania’s 200—but note that the Albanian spin is careful to not mention Kosovo, whose independence Albanians are eager to secure, where Albanians helped round up 600 Jews, most of whom died at Bergen-Belsen. In other words, more Jews were rounded up in Kosovo than ever existed in Albania before the war.

There were Righteous among all the nations of Europe; more Germans saved Jews than did Albanians. At the other end of the spectrum, more Serbs saved Jews than did Albanians. But it apparently never occurred to Serbian saviors to come forward for credit or to flaunt their Jew-saves in the event that an expansionist rival would use its own Jew-saves as a weapon against them.

And so Jewish good will has been co-opted by a nationalist movement which in WWII formed the fascist Balli Kombetar organization—still active in Kosovo today. Similarly, the arm patch of the Albanian Nazi SS Division Skanderbeg, which shows the national flag of Albania, is worn today by the Kosovo Protection Corps. Jewish gratitude, at this sensitive time, to the Albanian Righteous is being used to help create a new state whose founders were partly trained by the son of the Nazi Luftwaffe general in charge of Hitler’s 1941 bombing of Belgrade; a land where a “Hitler Diner” operates without much controversy; a land which is run by “former” KLA whose leadership and membership, as NY Times writer Chris Hedges wrote for Foreign Affairs Magazine in 1999:

splits down a bizarre ideological divide, with hints of fascism on one side and whiffs of communism on the other. The former faction is led by the sons and grandsons of rightist Albanian fighters — either the heirs of those who fought in the World War II fascist militias and the Skanderbeg volunteer SS division raised by the Nazis, or the descendants of the rightist Albanian kacak rebels who rose up against the Serbs 80 years ago. Although never much of a fighting force, the Skanderbeg division took part in the shameful roundup and deportation of the province’s few hundred Jews during the Holocaust.

In the early 90s, Albanians helped to revive the Bosnian version of the SS Skanderbeg division, the SS Handzar:

Up to 6000 strong, the Handzar division glories in a fascist culture. They see themselves as the heirs of the SS Handzar division, formed by Bosnian Muslims in 1943 to fight for the Nazis. Their spiritual model was Mohammed Amin al-Hussein, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem who sided with Hitler. According to U.N. officers, surprisingly few of those in charge of the Handzars in Fojnica seem to speak good Serbo-Croatian. “Many of them are Albanian, whether from Kosovo…or from Albania itself,” [reveals a UN officer].

The name of the exhibit is BESA: A Code of Honor—Muslim Albanians who Rescued Jews during the Holocaust. The Yad Vashem page for the exhibit describes Besa thus: „The remarkable assistance afforded to the Jews was grounded in Besa, a code of honor, which still today serves as the highest ethical code in the country. Besa means literally ‘to keep the promise.’ One who acts according to Besa is someone who keeps his word, someone to whom one can trust one’s life and the lives of one’s family. Apparently, this code sprouted from the Muslim faith as interpreted by the Albanians.“

The emphasis on the Muslimness of Albanians is heavy, in stark contrast to the de-emphasis on this fact when Jewish and Western support was being mobilized to beat down the Serbs on behalf of Albanians. What’s missing from the definition of Besa is its most frequent application—a promise to not kill a person in the midst of a blood feud such as those that have been sweeping Albania and now Kosovo and Macedonia for the past several years in a resurgence of this ancient barbarism.

The Yad Vashem page also reads:

In 1934, Herman Bernstein, the United States Ambassador to Albania, wrote: “There is no trace of any discrimination against Jews in Albania, because Albania happens to be one of the rare lands in Europe today where religious prejudice and hate do not exist, even though Albanians themselves are divided into three faiths.”

One supposes it’s debatable whether pulling out by hand crosses from Serbian-Orthodox churches that harbored Albanians and Serbs alike during NATO’s bombing, then burning them and urinating on them is religious, or racial, hatred, but according to Andy Wilcoxson, an American expert on the Milosevic trial: “On September 9, 1901, a British diplomatic cable sent to the Marquess of Lansdowne said: “Old Serbia [Kosovo] is still a restive region because of the Albanians’ lawlessness, vengeance and racial hatred.”

More than a century later, it would appear that little has changed.

While it’s important to celebrate past acts of selflessness and righteousness by Albanians, one cannot dismiss what these people are doing now, which flies in the face of Yad Vashem’s very mission. If Serbs were the “justifiable” target of Albanian animosity in 1999, why did the Jews, Roma, Gorani, Bosnians and Croats also have to be gone in order for the new “Kosova” to take seed? Perhaps because the animosity was a means to an end from the beginning?

But this is all apparently lost on the Jews involved in, or endorsing, the exhibit, which features the work of Colorado-based photographer Norman Gershman, a 75 year-old Wall Street veteran who recently described himself to Vail Daily as equal parts Jewish and Sufi, and who says a Muslim prayer in Arabic before a flight. Gershman’s ongoing mission during this jihad has been to seek out Muslims throughout the world who saved Jews during WWII.

The Jewish Muslim Gershman is aware of the present Kosovo imbroglio, his position made clear when he describes Kosovo as “struggling” to gain independence from Serbia, and repeats one of the Albanian lobby’s ubiquitous buzz phrases, recently also repeated by the Albanian ambassador to Israel in the pages of Jerusalem Post: “All Albanians saved Jews”–which of course omits the realities of WWII Kosovo. Gershman reveals that Elie Wiesel—who, in a moment of historical lucidity, in hindsight reversed himself a few years ago on supporting NATO’s anti-humanitarian intervention in Kosovo—is backing the efforts of the foundation Gershman works through. The “Eye Contact Foundation” is headed by another Colorado Jew, Steve Kaufman, according to the Vail Daily, which adds that this project “already has spawned a book and a DVD that tell the stories of Albanian citizens… who sheltered and aided Jews fleeing from the Nazis in Germany,” as well as a documentary film by an Emmy-winning production house. So this exhibit has been just an early stage of what we’re in for.

If Yad Vashem had more historical savvy, it would have agreed to host the exhibit in, say, six months—once the hotly contested land grab has been resolved, whether by peaceful or violent means. Instead, it has effectively taken a position, one that turns history on its head as the museum inadvertently advances the end result: a return to Albania’s Hitler-delineated borders (which included annexing of Kosovo to Albania) and the realization of Albania’s agenda of a Greater Albania “under the same [flag] now being flourished in Kosovo,” as a recent letter in the Financial Times pointed out. Armed with Yad Vashem’s stamp of approval, the UN now proudly duplicates the gross historical error.

Like Elie Wiesel, John Ranz is a Holocaust survivor, and he has called what the West’s historically shallow Jews helped do to Serbia on behalf of Albania—which until last week didn’t allow Israeli airlines to operate commercial flights from its limits—our „greatest shame.“