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Рубрика: Актуелно, Друштво    Аутор: obrisano    2.111 пута прочитано    Датум: 10.05.2007    Одштампај
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Janko BojićOdgovor ‘’naučniku’’ Floriju. “Visa Civilizacija’’ pokrovitelj je Albanaca na Kosovu. Ta “visoka civilizacija’’ za koju Lojd George PM Britanije u vreme Prvog Svetskog rata u svom čuvenom govoru 4, septembra 1914. reče sledeće: ‘’Bog je stvorio čoveka prema naličju svome – sa težnjom da bude duševno obogaćen.

Nemačka civilizacija bi htela da ga ”ponovo oživi” u naličju Dizel mašine – precizinog, tačnog i moćnog ali bez prostora za dušu da u njemu operise’’. U celokupnom govoru reče ovaj učen i školovan državnik, koj je sam svoje govore pripremao i pisao, a ne kao prijtelj Albanaca Bul Klinton, koji verovatno kao i većina albanskih ekstremista, ne ume da piše pa mu drugi govore pripremaju, da nemacka civilizacija je u stvari jedna varvarska civilizacija.

Ti “maligni Huni” kako je Nemce u Drugom Svetskom Ratu nazivao Vinston Curchil, su danas uglavnom pokrovitelji Albanskih ekstremista i separatista na Kosovu, u težnji da na jedan varvarski način vrate istorijske tokove unazad. Da li će i uspeti?

Ni ja ne potcenjujem ni jedan narod ovog sveta. Ljude cenim ne prema nacionalnoj i religioznoj pripadnosti vec prema karakteru i postenju.

Pre nego sto nastavim, samo da podsetim sto se ispiranja mozga tice, treba imati na umu sledece. Svakome se mozak moze isprati na razne nacine, i od raznih ljudi. U istinu Albancima su ispirali mozak Fasisti i Nacisti, a nama Srbima Lojd George i Vinston Churchil. Koji su izdati od danasnjih neonacista i nacista USA i Britanije, po imenu Bul Klinton, Toni Bler, Mad Olbrajt, Velsli Klark, i drugi šizo političari ovoga doba i ovoga vremena.

Albancima trenutno ide na ruku dominacija Nemacke u Evropskoj uniji. Vinston Curchil je na kraju Drugog svetskog rata u sali rekao sledece: Sada idem da spavam a budite samo onda kada se “maligni Huni” ponovo ujedine. Albancima za osudu ne treba samo staviti i to što su loši gosti u tudjoj kući, nego i njihova prošlost je za najveću osudu. Na izgled samo, ucesce i saradnja sa manijakom Hitlerom se donekle isplatila. Ali ovo ipak nije kraj istorije. Jeste da su trenutno ponovo podivljali “maligni Huni”, tako je Nemce u drugom svetskom ratu opisivao i nazivao jedan od najsposobnijih i najdarovitijih lidera u zapadnom svetu Vinston Churchil ikada, i veliki prijatelj Srba.

Za koga vec rekoh da smo mi Srbi njegovim idejama indoktrinirani, a ne idejama manijckim, jer isti Curchil rece za velikog prijatelja Albanaca Adolfa Hitlera sledeće: “Pregovarati sa Hitlerom je nemoguce! On je Manijak!” Bas upravo na znanje ovima sto su ideje i skole ucili od Austrijskih kaplara, Adolfa Hitlera i Jozefa Slosera.

Ovih dana sam analizirao govor Bul Klintona od 22 marta 1999 godine. Kakav patolški lazov je taj Arkanzaski Bul. On u tom govoru tvrdi da su dva svetska rata zapoceta u Sarajevu. Hvala dragom i milostivog Gospodu sto je nas Srbe podario i takvim poklonom da nam takav lazov ne bude prijatelj.

Amerika danas nije zemlja slobode i demokrtaije, ona koju je u svojim memoarima opisao Mihailo Pupin. To nije zemlja srpskih prijatelja Vilsona, Hardinga, Ruzvelta i Ajzenhauera. Amerika ne samo prema mome misljenju vec i prema misljenju daleko ozbiljnijih strucnjaka i mislilaca je danas kidnapvana od strane Neofasista i Neonacista.

Ukratko. Ni jedan svetski rat nije poceo u Sarajevu, a to sto je Bul Klinton izgovorio 22, marata 1999 godine se zove revizija istorije. Za tako nesto ako me zdravlje posluzi Klintonu necu ostati duzan. Ima suda i zakona. To je nesto sto je taj sekso – manijak i patpološki lazov, gori manijak nego Adolf Hitler zaboravio. Srescemo se nas dvojica jednog dana ako ustreba i na sudu, ukoliko se za svoje lazi ne izvine srpskom narodu.

No ima postenih. Evo sta je sir Michael Rose rekao u vezi vojne intervencije NATO_a u svojoj najnovijoj knjizi: At any rate, whatever the brand, Rose’s insights are well worth reading. And his critique goes far beyond Iraq, to take in the underlying, bipartisan, transatlantic mindset that led to the launching of this vast war crime — a mindset that was formed for many of today’s players in the delusions and myths surrounding the much-lauded “humanitarian intervention” in Bosnia and Kosovo.

Nemam vremena da prevodim ceo tekst. Ali on ovde reče da su intervenisti atlanske koalicije, kada su u pitanju Bosna i Kosovo, počinili najveci ratni zlocin u modernoj istoriji. Sto je istina i jesu. Nije Rose jedini patriota i civilizovan covek koji ovako razmislja u zapadnom svetu. Nisu svi ljudi gospodine Flori podkupljivi za prljave dolare koji se zaradjau od sverca heroinom. Ima i postenih.

Takvi su nama Srbima prijatelji, i ja Albancima poklanjam sve Klintone, i Adolfe, i Holbruke, za njihove prljave dolare.

Inace Racak je bio izmontiran proces da se zavede javnost. Tamo nisu pobijeni posteni i neduzni Albanci, vec grupa kriminalaca, za koje niko ozbiljan u normalnom svetu vise ne haje. Pa tako ni ja. U laži su gospodine Flori kratke noge.

Janko Bojic, Ontario – London

 

Ko je u stvari Madlin Olbrigh

Mad Olbrigh ili ako bi se ovo na srpski ”Mad” pravilno prevelo to bi znacilo luda, ali nije upriličeno vredjati čak ni ludake kada je ova ”gospođa u godinama” u pitanju. Njen otac inace veoma drag i plemenit covek Josif Kolberg, je bio veliki prijatelj Srba, i dugogodisnji saradnik Milorada Draskovica. Jedno vreme sefa kongresne biblioteke. Gotovo sve knjige koje je profesor Kolberg napisao je citao, pre nego sto bih isle u stampu licno gospodin Draskovic.

Kolberg je bio Jevrein. A njegova cerka veliki prijtelj heroinskih dolara, rece u jednom interviju da je zaboravila da je sa ocem i majkom isla u Sinangogu??? Danasnja prijateljica Albanaca koja je glavu spasla zahvaljujuci dobroti srpskog naroda, koja je licno poznaval i samog gospodina Draskovica i sa njim se jedno vreme druzila je senilna i malo “zovnuta preko luke”, pa je zbog toga sve pozaboravljala. Zaboravila da joj je otac bio Jevrein, da je spasena gasne komore zahvaljujuci Srbima, i prisla je Albancima koji su u Drugom svetskom ratu ”ocistili” Kosovo od Jevreja?? Takve prijatelje imaju danasnji pobornici nezavisnog Kosova.

Ta ista Madlin Olbright je prilikom pocetka ilegalnog rata protiv Iraka, koju zemlju americki neonacisti pretvoriše u ruine, je dala sledecu izjavu. Da su resursi USA neiscrpni. Vidimo danas kako jesu. Tako isto je i manijak Adolf govorio svoim malignim Hunima u vreme Drugig svetskog rata da su resursi njegove Nemacke neiscrpni. (sic)

Inace sto se Haskog tzv. Tribunala tice, to je sve, ali niti je sud, niti tribunal, niti jedna ozbiljna pravna institucija. Sud bez porote, u kome su do sada svi koji su tamo dopremljeni unapred bili osodjeni. Sidjenje na tom tribunalu je cisto protokolarno, a ne pravo sudjnje. Na tom sudu ne postoji ni jedan ozbilja pravni strucnjak, koji zna sta je pravo i pravna nauka. Ozbiljni pravni stručnjaci su izanalizirali i definisali Hasku tamnicu kao produzenu ruku nacizma i fasizma. Ozbiljni pravni strucnjaci znaju da je u Hagu svaki proces montiran isto kao i sudjenja u vreme Staljinovih čistki.

Najvece ruglo te Haske tamnice svojevremeno je bio onaj sudija iz Juzne Afrike Goldston. Taj manijak tvrdi da ono sto je ilegalno moze da bude legitimno??? Za ovakve izjave Hitler i Staljin bi bilili zbunjeni. A zaboravih i glavnog mesetara Jozefa Broza, po činu zvani sloser – maršal. I taj bi zasigurno bio zbunjen. Iz tog razloga ti ”stručnjaci” u Hagu nikako da pocnu da sude dr. Seselju. Zasto? Jednostavno zato sto im Seselj vec govori da su varvari, kreteni i idioti. Psuje im majku i kaze da moraju da jedu svoja (… ) što su (…) i da umesto cigare puse ljudski polni organ. Na svakom normalnom sudu ovakav recnik bi bio osujecen time sto bi onaj kome se sudi bio svestan da ako se civilizovano ne ponasa bice osudjen iako je nevin. U Hagu nevin je unapred osudjen, i Seselj to zna, zato on Haskim manijacima izrice presudu na nacin kako oni to i zasluzuju.

Rano je naucnice Flori govoriti o Haskoj tamnici kao nekoj civilizovanoj instituciji. Tamo su dosli ne strucnjaci, nego bas kako i sam Seselj uocava varvari i uzurpatori pravne nauke. Sve sto se dans tamo desava, istorija ce kasnije opisati. A kada budu istoricari opisivali jednog dana Hasku tamnicu uocice nesto sto istorija nije ranije zabelezila. Uočiće da su ”stručnjaci” u Hagu ovih dana jeli sopstvene fekalije!? (sic)

 

Janko Bojić




9 коментара у вези “Svi prijatelji kosmetskih albanaca”
  1. ODGOVOR FLORI BRUQI-JA IZ PRISHTINE “SOVENISTICKOM ISTORICARU” V.BOJICU NA PISMO”Svi prijatelji kosmetskih albanaca”

    Flori Bruqi,Prishtina

    Zgodovina Albanije
    Antika
    Predniki današnjega albanskega prebivalstva naj bi bili Iliri, ki so območje južnega Balkana naseljevali pred Slovani, Rimljani in Grki. Slednji so na albanski obali ustanovili nekaj kolonij v 7. in 6. stoletju pr .n. št., med drugim Epidamnus (danes DURSI) in Apollonio (danes VLOREË), ki pa so propadle do 3. stoletja pr. n. št. Majhne ilirske skupine so zatem začele ustanavljati bolj kompleksne politične enote, med drugim federacije in kraljestva v času od 5. do 2. stoletja pr. n. št.
    Ker je antični Rim gledal na ilirsko deželo kot na podlago za osvajanje območij na vzhodu, je leta 229 pr. n. št. prečkal Jadran in prevzel nadzor nad deželo. Preimenovana je bila v Ilirikum in ostala pod rimsko oblastjo nadaljnjih 6 stoletij, kljub temu pa so se Iliri izognili asimilaciji, iz njihovih vrst pa je izšlo nekaj rimskih cesarjev, med drugim Avrelij, Dioklecijan in Konstantin Veliki. V tem času se je na območju razvijalo krščanstvo – v Apoloniji in Skodri (današnji SHKODRA) sta svoje sedeže dobila škofa.
    Bizantinska oblast
    Leta 395 je Rimski imperij razpadel na vzhodni in zahodni del. Območje Albanije je prišlo pod vzhodni del, Bizantinski imperij. Slednjega je skozi njegovo zgodovino vodilo tudi nekaj Ilirov, med njimi Justinijan I.. Do 5. stoletja je bila krščanska vera dodobra uveljavljena, dežela pa je sodila pod nadzor papeža v Rimu. Isti čas so zaznamovali vpadi Vizigotov, Hunov in Ostrogotov, kasneje, med 6. in 8. stoletjem, pa so obmorska območja Balkana od današnje Albanije do Slovenije zavzela slovanska plemena. Asimilirala so mnogo Ilirov, njih preostanek pa je ostal na ozemlju Albanije. Leta 732 je bizantinski cesar Leon III. albansko katoliško cerkev vzel pod okrilje patriarha v Konstantinoplu.
    Ilirija je svoje današnje ime, Albanija, s časom pridobila med 8. in 11. stoletjem, in sicer je ime izšlo iz etnične skupine Albanos, ki je bivala v osrednji Albaniji. Od kod izhaja današnje uradno ime države (Shqiperia), ni točnih in edinih si podatkov, njegove korenine pa je časovno moč postaviti v 16. stoletje. Moč Bizantinskega imperija je začela slabeti v 9. stoletju, ko so nadzor nad deželami začeli prevzemati Normani, Angevini, Srbi in Benečani. 10. stoletje je prineslo razvoj fevdalizma.
    Leta 1054 je krščanska cerkev razpadla na zahodno, katoliško, in vzhodno, pravoslavno vejo. Prvi se je zatem zavezala severna Albanija, medtem ko je južna Albanija ohranila navezavo na vzhodno versko oblast.
    Srednji vek je prinesel razcvet albanskih mest – uspešna trgovina v Jadranskem prostoru je pomenila razvoj zlasti urbanih naselij, rast umetnosti, kulture in izobrazbene ravni. Albanski jezik je v tistem času imel vlogo neuradnega sporazumevalnega jezika, kot uradna sta ga namreč v Cerkvi, uradništvu, literaturi in šolah nadomeščala grščina in latinščina.
    Otomanska oblast
    Območje Albanije je leta 1347 zavzel srbski kralj in car Stefan Dušan, kar je povzročilo množične emigracije Albancev v Grčijo. Po dokončni oslabitvi Bizanca pa so na Balkan začeli vpadati Turki iz Otomanskega imperija. Albanijo so osvojili do leta 1430, a je odpor proti njihovi oblasti organiziral George Kastrioti (bolj znan kot Skenderbeg), ki je zbral fevdalne gospode v 25-letnem upiranju, pri čemer so mu pomagali Rim, Neapelj in Benetke. Odpor je bil zlomljen po njegovi smrti, Albanija je prišla pod popoln nadzor Turkov leta 1506. Približno četrtina prebivalstva se je takrat umaknila na dalmatinske obale, v Italijo in na Sicilijo, kjer je še danes najti albanske naselbine. Skenderbeg pa še danes velja za največjega heroja albanskega naroda.
    Albanska dežela je živela pod trdo oblastjo Otomanskega imperija štiri stoletja, kljub temu pa ta oblast ni uspela doseči vseh predelov dežele. Prebivalstvo bolj odročnih krajev je namreč mnogokrat zavračalo plačevanje pristojbin in udeležbo v vojski, bilo pa je tudi leglo več vstaj, tudi na verski podlagi. Zato so oblasti v koncu 16. stoletja pričele z intenzivno islamizacijo, ki je v okoli 100 letih spreobrnila okoli dve tretjini prebivalcev, poprej kristjanov. Med drugim so to dosegli z visokimi davki za kristjane ter fevdalno-vojaškim sistemom, ki je dodeljeval posestva zvestim vojaškim vodjem.
    Ko je Otomanski imperij v 18. stoletju izgubljal moč, je na slednji pridobilo nekaj pomembnejših zemljiških gospodov: dinastija Bušati je nadzorovala severno Albanijo med letoma 1750 in 1831, Ali Paša pa je ustanovil avtonomno deželo v južni Albaniji in severni Grčiji med letoma 1788 in 1822. Vse lokalne voditelje je strmoglavil turški sultan Mahmud II. V samo otomansko oblast pa se je povzpelo več Albancev, manjkalo ni niti velikih vezirjev.
    Neodvisnost Albanije
    V 19. stoletju so se na Balkanu povečevala trenja zaradi turške okupacije polotoka, ki so jih povzročali podjarmljeni narodi. Iz tega se je leta 1878 porajalo tudi srečanje albanskih politikov in vodij, znano kot Albanska ali Prizrenska liga, ki si je v svojem programu zadalo razvoj neodvisne in združene Albanije, ki naj bi zavzemala vse z Albanci naseljene teritorije. Prav tako so bile smernice razvoj albanskega jezika, izobrazbe in kulture; leta 1908 so sprejeli svojo abecedo, ki je temeljila na latinici.
    Med letoma 1910 in 1912 je prihajalo do oboroženih uporov proti Otomanskemu imperiju, ki Albaniji kljub prizadevanjem ni dodelil avtonomnega statusa. Upori so prerasli v prvo balkansko vojno, v kateri je združena vojska Albancev, Bolgarov, Grkov in Srbov porazila Turke. Albanija je zatem razglasila suvereno državo, o čemer so se strinjale Velike sile (Velika Britanija, Nemčija, Rusija, Avstrija, Francija in Italija), a so zaradi pritiskov sosed albansko poseljeno Kosovo dodelile Srbiji, Çamërio pa Grčiji, zaradi česar je iz novonastale albanske države izpadla približno polovica Albancev. Tudi v sami Albaniji je kot vladar samostojnost okrnil nemški princ Wilhelm zu Wied, ki so ga na položaj takisto postavile Velike sile, a je njegova vladavina trajala le do izbruha prve svetovne vojne šest mesecev kasneje.
    Med prvo svetovno vojno so deželo okupirale avstrijske, francoske, italijanske, grške, črnogorske in srbske sile. Po vojni so Velika Britanija, Francija in Italija na pariški konferenci sklenile, da Albanijo razdelijo med njene sosede, a je veto na načrt dal ameriški predsednik Woodrow Wilson. Albanija je tako znova postala suverena ter sprejeta v Društvo narodov leta 1920.
    Dvajseta leta 20. stoletja so prinesla močno politično razdelitev države na dva tabora. Konzervativce oziroma zemljiške posestnike je vodil Ahmed Bey Zogu in se zavzemal za ohranitev trenutnih političnih in gospodarskih razmer. Pravoslavni škof Fan S. Noli pa je stal na čelu liberalnega političnega krila, ki je leta 1924 sprožilo upor in pregnalo Zoguja v Jugoslavijo. Noli je postal predsednik vlade novonastale vlade ter si prizadeval za izgradnjo demokracije zahodnega tipa. Njegova vladavina pa je trajala le polovico leta, saj ga je zatem s pomočjo monarhistične Jugoslavije strmoglavil Ahmed Zogu. Slednji je nato vladal deželi 14 let, sprva kot predsednik, zatem pa kot kralj Zog I.. Razvil je izobraževalni sistem ter povečal stabilnost dežele, povzročil pa je znižan razvoj gospodarstva in ni uspel izvesti zemljiške reforme, kar je slabo vplivalo na kmečko prebivalstvo.
    V obdobju vladanja kralja Zoga I. je imela izreden politični vpliv na Albanijo Italija, ki je kmalu po izbruhu druge svetovne vojne leta 1939 dokončno zavzela deželo in izgnala kralja v Grčijo. Leta 1941 sta bili deželi priključeni še območji Kosova in Çamërie. Celotno Albanijo pa je pod svojo oblast vzela nacistična Nemčija po kapitulaciji Italije, ta okupacija pa je trajala do novembra 1944. Kosovo je bilo po vojni vrnjeno Srbiji (takrat delu Jugoslavije), Çamëria pa Grčiji.
    Obdobje komunizma
    Med 2. svetovno vojno je bila Albanija priča močnemu odporu nacionalistov, monarhistov in komunistov italijanski ter nemški okupaciji in domačemu fašizmu. Komunistom je s pomočjo Jugoslovanov uspelo prevzeti nadzor nad državo po umiku Nemcev, vodja pa je postal generalni sekretar Komunistične partije Enver Hoxha. Nova oblast je sprožila obsežne reforme, nacionalizirali so industrijo, banke ter zemljo veleposestnikov, družba pa se je spremenila v socialistično. Po Stalinovem vzoru je bilo kolektivizirano kmetijstvo, kar je do leta 1967 združilo vse kmete v kolektivnih kmetijskih obratih. Na področje družbenih odnosov je oblast posegla z uničevanjem tradicionalnih patriarhalnih klanov in plemenskih oblik družbe na severnem, zaradi višavja odmaknjenem delu dežele. Zaradi tovrstnih sprememb so pomembnejšo družbeno vlogo dobile tudi ženske.
    Državni zaveznik v prvih letih oblasti je bila Jugoslavija, ki je sodelovala gospodarsko in vojaško. Po razkolu med Jugoslavijo in Sovjetsko zvezo leta 1948 pa je na stran slednje stopil tudi Enver Hoxha. Novo sodelovanje je tako potekalo na relaciji Albanija-ZSSR, a le do zgodnjih šestdesetih let, ko je Albanija podprla po njenem bolj primerno Kitajsko v boju za vpliv v Vzhodnem bloku. Tako se je politično ločila od Sovjetske zveze, pa tudi množice ostalih komunističnih dežel, ki naj bi po njenem vedno bolj zavračale idejo komunizma in se bratile s kapitalističnimi državami Zahoda. Temeljni zaveznik za trgovanje in vojaško pomoč je postala Kitajska.
    Albanija je po sovjetski okupaciji Češko-Slovaške leta 1968 zaradi lastne varnosti izstopila iz Varšavskega pakta ter se skušala povezati s posameznimi evropskimi silami. V istem času in nekoliko zatem je bilo obdobje nekolikšnih napetosti med Albanijo in Kitajsko zaradi otoplitve odnosov med slednjo in ZDA. Zato so bile gospodarske vezi bolj usmerjene proti zahodni Evropi, ne pa tudi socialne in politične; Albanija je namreč veljala za eno najbolj zaprtih dežel na svetu vse do demokratizacije v začetku devetdesetih let.
    Diktatura sistema je bila v obdobju komunizma močna: stranke z izjemo Albanske stranke dela (Komunistična partija) so bile prepovedane, prav tako je državna obveščevalna služba Sigurimi izvajala strog nadzor nad prebivalstvom in pregnala vsako težnjo po samovoljnosti. Državne meje so bile za tujce z redkimi izjemami zaprte, ven pa so smeli oditi le izbrani člani političnega vrha. Leta 1967 je oblast ukinila vse verske ustanove ter zaplenila premoženje krščanske ter muslimanske cerkve; oklicana je bila prva ateistična država na svetu.
    Morebitna opozicija je bila nadzorovana tudi v krogih Komunistične partije. Pod orožje Sigurimija in drugih sredstev nadzora naj bi prišli mnogi člani stranke, po nekaterih navedbah tudi premier Mehmet Shedu, katerega smrt leta 1981 je zavita v meglo. Oblast je po smrti Enverja Hoxhe nasledil prvi sekretar partije Ramiz Alia, ki je napravil nekaj reform kot poskus rešitve komunističnega sistema in propadajočega gospodarstva.
    Demokracija
    Ob končnem zatonu komunističnih sistemov vzhodne Evrope leta 1989 je prišlo tudi v Albaniji do trenj. Protestniki – intelektualci, delavci in mladina – so zahtevali bolj obsežne reforme. Alia je zatem zopet uvedel svobodo vere, omejil moč Sigurimija in izvedel postopek gospodarske decentralizacije. Pomembna politična prelomnica je bila tudi odobritev ustanavljanja političnih strank decembra 1990, kasneje pa še ustanovitev pravosodnega ministrstva ter razširitev političnih pravic. Med drugim so prebivalci dobili pravico do potovanja v tujino, posledica česa so bile množične emigracije v letu 1990: legalno je tega leta zapustilo deželo kakih 5000 državljanov, še približno 20 tisoč ilegalnih prebežnikov pa so prestregli Italijani pri svojih obalah.
    Trenja v državi so se nadaljevala, zaradi česar so s političnih vrhov padli nekateri prepričani komunisti, leta 1991 pa je policija na demonstracijah ubila nekaj protestnikov. Marca tega leta je bila razglašena amnestija za politične zapornike, v istem času pa so potekale tudi prve večstrankarske volitve. Na teh je Komunistična partija s sorodnimi strankami osvojila 169 od 250 sedežev, 75 sedežev pa je dobila Demokratska stranka. Nova premoč komunistov je izzvala nadaljnje nemire, v katerih so bili v Skadarju ubiti 4 ljudje.
    Aprila 1991 je bila sprejeta začasna ustava, ime države pa spremenjeno iz Ljudske republike Albanije v Republiko Albanijo. Na položaj predsednika republike je bil znova izvoljen Ramiz Alia, ekonomist Fatos Nano pa je postal premier. Splošna stavka tisoče delavcev je vlado prisilila k odstopu, nastopila pa je nova koalicijska vlada, ki je vključevala člane komunistov, demokratov, republikancev in socialnih demokratov. Kljub temu so se nadaljevale demonstracije – zahtevani sta bili aretacija nekdanjega komunističnega vrha ter popolna svoboda medijev. Posledično je prišlo do vnovičnega padca vlade ter vzpostavitve začasnega vodstva.
    Nove volitve v prenovljeni ljudski zbor so potekale marca 1992. Zmagovalci so bili demokrati z osvojenimi 92 od 140 sedežev, socialisti so jih dobili 38, socialni demokrati 7 in stranka grške manjšine 2. Predsednik države je postal vodja Demokratske stranke Sali Berisha, ta pa je za premierja imenoval Aleksandra Meksija. Nova oblast je aretirala nekatere nekdanje komunistične veljake – Alia in Nano sta bila zaradi korupcije in zlorabe oblasti obsojena na dolgotrajno zaporno kazen, a čez čas izpuščena na prostost zaradi obtožb, da se je novi predsednik na ta način znebil opozicije. Novembra 1994 so demokrati predlagali novo ustavo, a jo je ljudski zbor zavrnil trdeč, da bi dodelila preveč oblasti že sicer močnemu predsedniku. Pojavljali so se tudi očitki o zatiranju svobode tiska, nadzoru nad sodnim sistemom ter preganjanjem komunistov in splošni diskreditaciji novonastale demokracije.
    Albanija je v tem času vodila ostro politiko glede albanskih zamejcev na Kosovu in v Makedoniji. Leta 1989 je Srbija namreč preklicala avtonomijo pokrajine Kosovo s sicer večinskim albanskim prebivalstvom, 1991 pa je tamkajšnja albanska oblast naznanila suverenost. Slednje mednarodna skupnost ni priznala, Albanija pa je zaprosila Združene narode za napotitev mednarodnih opazovalcev na območje, kar je bilo ravno tako zavrnjeno. Diplomatska prizadevanja so potekala tudi naproti Republiki Makedoniji, ki naj bi ne vodila primerne politike do mnogoštevilne albanske manjšine v državi. Albanija si je tako prizadevala za večjo zastopanost Albancev v makedonskem parlamentu ter enakopravnost albanskega jezika v deželi.
    Nove parlamentarne volitve so potekale leta 1996, zaznamovali pa so jih prepiri zaradi morebitnih nepravilnosti, ki naj bi zagotovile veliko število glasov zmagovalni stranki Salija Berishe. Zato so opozicijske stranke bojkotirale parlament. Nadaljnje nepoštenosti v gospodarskem sistemu, ki so vodile do izgube prihrankov tisočih državljanov, so vodile v nove nemire, katerih višek so bila izpod nadzora ušla območja na jugu države – ta so nadzirale lokalne milice. Država je zato sprejela mednarodni kontingent za zagotovitev humanitarne pomoči na terenu pod vodstvom Italije, ki pa ni bil učinkovit.
    V volitvah junija 1997 so na oblast prišli socialisti, kar je povzročilo parlamentarni bojkot demokratov, premier pa je postal Fatos Nano. Ta je odstopil septembra 1998 po nemirih, ki so sledili uboju vplivnega člana Demokratske stranke. Nasledil ga je socialist Pandeli Majko.

    Begunci s Kosova v Albaniji, 1999
    Leta 1998 so se začele zaostrovati razmere z Zvezno republiko Jugoslavijo, ki se je na uboj nekaj srbskih policistov na Kosovu odzvala z nasiljem nad tamkajšnjimi Albanci. Prišlo je do spopadov med jugoslovansko vojsko in albanskimi separatisti, Osvobodilno vojsko Kosova. Marca 1999 je v spopadih vojaško posredovala zveza NATO in jugoslovansko stran prisilila k podpisu mirovnega sporazuma, nadzor nad Kosovom pa so prevzele mednarodne vojaška enota, ki naj bi zagotovile varno vrnitev okoli 444 tisoč prebivalcev albanske narodnosti. Slednji so se bili prisiljeni umakniti v Republiko Albanijo, s čimer je prišlo do hudih pritiskov na nestabilen albanski gospodarski sistem.
    Oktobra 1999 je postal premier reformistični Ilir Meta, ki je promoviral navezavo Albanije na zahodno Evropo in dolgoročno vstop države v zvezo Nato ter Evropsko unijo…..
    Kosovo (Serbian: Косово, transliterated Kosovo; also Космет, transliterated Kosmet; Albanian: Kosovë or Kosova) is a province in southern Serbia which has been under United Nations administration since 1999. While Serbia’s nominal sovereignty is recognised by the international community, in practice Serbian governance in the province is virtually non-existent (see also Constitutional status of Kosovo). The province is governed by the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) and the local Provisional Institutions of Self-Government, with security provided by the NATO-led Kosovo Force (KFOR).
    Kosovo borders Montenegro, Albania and the Republic of Macedonia. The province’s capital and largest city is Priština. Kosovo has a population of around two million people, predominantly ethnic Albanians, with smaller populations of Serbs, Turks, Bosniaks and other ethnic groups.
    The province is the subject of a long-running political and territorial dispute between the Serbian (and previously, the Yugoslav) government and Kosovo’s Albanian population. International negotiations began in 2006 to determine the final status of Kosovo (See Kosovo Status Process). According to many news media, it is widely expected that the negotiations will lead to some form of independence.[1][2][3][4] Russia, however, has suggested that it will use its veto in the UN Security Council if an agreement is not reached between Belgrade and Priština.[5]
    Geography
    For the administrative division of Kosovo, see Municipalities of Kosovo.
    With an area of 10,887 square kilometres[6] (4,203 sq. mi) and a population of over two million on the eve of the 1999 crisis, Kosovo borders Montenegro to the northwest, Central Serbia to the North and East, the Republic of Macedonia to the south and Albania to the southwest. The province’s present borders were established in 1945. The republic of Serbia has one other autonomous province, Vojvodina, located in the far north of the country.
    The largest cities are Priština, the capital, with an estimated 600,000 citizens, Prizren in the southwest with 165,000 citizens; then Mitrovica in the north. Five other towns have populations in excess of 50,000. The climate in Kosovo is continental with warm summers and cold and snowy winters.
    There are two main plains in Kosovo. The Metohija/Rrafshi i Dukagjinit basin is located in the western part of the province, and the Plain of Kosovo (Albanian: Rrafshi i Kosovës, Serbian: Kosovska Dolina) occupies the central area.
    Much of Kosovo’s terrain is rugged. The Shar Mountain is located in the south and south-east, bordering Macedonia. It is one of the region’s most popular tourist and skiing resorts, with Brezovica and Prevalac/Prevallë as the main tourist centres. Kosovo’s mountainous area, including the highest peak Deravica/Gjeravica (2656 m above sea level), is located in the south-west, bordering Albania and Montenegro.
    The mountain range dividing Kosovo from Albania is known in English as the Cursed Mountains or Albanian Alps (Albanian: Bjeshkët e Nemuna, Serbian: Prokletije). The Kopaonik mountain is located in the north, bordering Central Serbia. The central region of Drenica, Carraleva/Crnoljevo and the eastern part of Kosovo, known as Gallap/Golak, are mainly hilly areas.
    There are several notable rivers and lakes in Kosovo. The main rivers are the White Drin (running toward the Adriatic Sea, with the Erenik among its tributaries), Sitnica, South Morava in the Goljak area and Ibar in the north. The main lakes are Badovc in the north-east and Gazivoda in the north-western part.
    History
    Ancient
    The region of Kosovo has been inhabited by Illyrian tribes since the Bronze Age. In ancient times, the area was known as Dardania and was settled by a tribe with the same name. The south of Kosovo was ruled by Macedonia since Alexander the Great’s reign in the 4th century BC. The local Dardani were of Illyrian stock. Illyrians resisted rule by the Greeks and Romans for centuries but after the long periods of conflict between Illyrian tribes and invading imperial powers, the region was eventually occupied by the Roman Empire under Emperor Augustus in 28 BC and became part of the Roman province of Moesia. After AD 85 it was part of Moesia Superior. Emperor Diocletian later c. 284 made Dardania into separate province with its capital at Naissus (Niš). Illyrians were among the first people to accept Christianity as they were evangelized by St. Paul himself. Illyria is twice mentioned in the Bible. When the Roman Empire split in A.D. 395, the area of Kosovo came under the Eastern Roman Empire, the Byzantine Empire. Many inhabitants of Dardania became leaders in Rome and Constantinopolis, including Justinian the Great.
    Medieval
    Great migrations and interregnums
    Slavs came to the territories that form modern Kosovo in the seventh-century migrations of White Serbs, with the largest influx of migrants in the 630s; although the region was increasingly populated by Slavs since the sixth or even fifth century. These Slavs were Christianized in several waves between the seventh and ninth century, with the last wave taking place between 867 and 874. The northwestern part of Kosovo, Hvosno, became a part of the Byzantine Serb vassal state the Principality of Rascia, with Dostinik as the principality’s capital.
    In the late 800s, the whole of Kosovo was seized by the First Bulgarian Empire. Although Serbia restored control over Metohija throughout the tenth century, the rest of Kosovo was returned to the Byzantine Empire in a period of Bulgarian decline. However, Tsar Samuil of Bulgaria reconquered the whole of Kosovo in the late tenth century until the Byzantines restored their control over the area as they subjugated the Bulgarian Empire. In 1040-1041, Bulgarians, led by the Samuil of Bulgaria’s grandson Petar Delyan staged a rebellion against the Eastern Roman Empire that temporarily encompassed Kosovo. After the rebellion was crushed, the Byzantine control over the region continued.
    Throughout the following decades, numerous foreign peoples invading the Byzantine Empire stormed Kosovo, among them the Cumans.
    In 1072, local Bulgarians, under George Voiteh, pushed a final attempt to restore Imperial Bulgarian power and invited the last heir of the House of Comitopuli – Duklja’s prince Konstantin Bodin of the House of Vojislavljevic, son of the Serbian King Mihailo Voislav – to assume power. The Serbs decided to conquer the entire Byzantine region of Bulgaria. King Mihailo dispatched his son with three hundred elite Serb fighters led by Duke Petrilo. Constantine Bodin was crowned in Prizren as Petar III, Tsar of the Bulgarians by George Voiteh and the Slavic Boyars. The Empire swept across Byzantine territories in months, until the significant losses on the south had forced Czar Petar to withdraw. In 1073, the Byzantine forces chased Constantine Bodin, defeated his army at Pauni, and imprisoned him.
    Incorporation into Serbia
    The full Serbian takeover was carried out under a branch of the House of Voislav Grand Princes of Rascia. In 1093, Prince Vukan advanced on Lipljan, burned it down and raided the neighbouring areas. The Byzantine Emperor himself came to Zvečan for negotiations. Zvečan served as the Byzantine line-of-defence against constant invasions from the neighboring Serbs. A peace agreement was made, but Vukan broke it and defeated the army of John Comnenus, the Emperor’s nephew. Vukan’s armies stormed Kosovo. In 1094, Byzantine Emperor Alexius attempted to renew peace negotiations in Ulpiana. A new peace agreement was concluded and Vukan handed over hostages to the Emperor, including his two nephews Uroš and Stefan Vukan. Prince Vukan renewed the conflict in 1106, once again defeating John Comnenus’ army. However, his death halted the total Serb conquest of Kosovo.
    In 1166, a Serbian nobleman from Zeta, Stefan Nemanja, the founder of the House of Nemanja ascended to the Rascian Grand Princely throne and conquered most of Kosovo, in an uprising against the Byzantine Emperor Manuel I Comnenus. He defeated the previous Grand Prince of Rascia Tihomir’s army at Pantino, near Pauni. Tihomir, who was Stefan’s brother, was drowned in the Sitnica river. Stefan was eventually defeated and had to return some of his conquests. He pledged to the Emperor that he would not renew hostilies, but in 1183, Stefan Nemanja embarked on a new offensive with the Hungarians after the death of Manuel I Comnenus in 1180, marking the end of Byzantine domination of Kosovo.
    Nemanja’s son, Stefan II, recorded that the border of the Serbian realm reached the river of Lab. Grand Prince Stephen II completed the inclusion of the Kosovo territories under Serb rule in 1208, by which time he had conquered Prizren and Lipljan, and moved the border of territory under his control to the Šar mountain.
    Kingdom of the Serbs
    In 1217, the Serbian Kingdom achieved recognition. In 1219, an autocephalous Serbian Orthodox Church was created, with Hvosno, Prizren and Lipljan being the Orthodox Christian Episcopates on Kosovo. By the end of the 13th century, the centre of the Serbian Church was moved to Peć from Žiča.
    In the thirteenth century, Kosovo became the heart of the Serbian political and religious life, with the Šar mountain becoming the political center of the Serbian rulers. The main chatteu was in Pauni. On an island was Svrčin, and on the coast Štimlji, and in the mountains was the Castle of Nerodimlje. The Complexes were used for counciling, crowning of rulers, negotiating, and as the rulers’ living quarters. After 1291, the Tartars broke all the way to Peć. Serbian King Stefan Milutin managed to defeat them and then chase them further. He raised the Temple of the Mother of Christ of Ljeviška in Prizren around 1307, which became the seat of the Prizren Episcopric, and the magnificent Gračanica in 1335, the seat of the Lipljan Episcopric. In 1331, the juvenile King Dušan attacked his father, Serbian King Stefan of Dechani at his castle in Nerodimlje. King Stefan closed in his neighbouring fortress of Petrič, but Dušan captured him and closed him with his second wife Maria Palailogos and their children in Zvečan, where the dethroned King died on 11 November 1331.
    In 1327 and 1328, Serbian King Stefan of Dechani started forming the vast Dečani domain, although, Serbian King Dušan would finish it in 1335. Stefan of Dechani issued the Dechani Charter in 1330, listing every single citizen in every household under the Church Land’s demesne.
    Serbian Empire and Despotate
    King Stefan Dušan founded the vast Monastery of Saint Archaengel near Prizren in 1342-1352. The Kingdom was transformed into an Empire in 1345 and officially in 1346. Stefan Dušan received John VI Cantacuzenus in 1342 in his Castle in Pauni to discuss a joint War against the Byzantine Emperor. In 1346, the Serbian Archepiscopric at Peć was upgraded into a Patriarchate, but it was not recognized before 1370.
    After the Empire fell into disarray prior to Dušan’s death in 1355, feudal anarchy caught up with the country during the reign of Tsar Stefan Uroš V. Kosovo became a domain of the House of Mrnjavčević, but Prince Voislav Voinović expanded his demesne further into Kosovo. The armies of King Vukašin Mrnjavčević from Pristina and his allies defeated Voislav’s forces in 1369, putting a halt to his advances. After the Battle of Marica on 26 September 1371, in which the Mrnjavčević brothers lost their lives, Đurađ I Balšić of Zeta took Prizren and Peć in 1372. A part of Kosovo became the demesne of the House of Lazarević.
    The Ottomans invaded and met the Christian coalition of Serbs, Albanians and Vlahcs under Prince Lazar on 28 June 1389, near Pristina, at Gazi Mestan. The Serbian Army was assisted by various allies. The epic Battle of Kosovo followed, in which Prince Lazar himself lost his life. Prince Lazar amassed 70,000 men on the battlefield and the Ottomans had 140,000. Through the cunning of Miloš Obilić, Sultan Murad was murdered and the new Sultan Beyazid had, despite winning the battle, to retreat to consolidate his power. The Ottoman Sultan was buried with one of his sons at Gazi Mestan. Both Prince Lazar and Miloš Obilić were canonised by the Serbian Orthodox Church for their efforts in the battle. The local House of Branković came to prominence as the local lords of Kosovo, under Vuk Branković, with the temporary fall of the Serbian Despotate in 1439. Another great battle occurred between the Hungarian troops supported by the Albanian ruler Gjergj Kastrioti Skanderbeg on one side, and Ottoman troops supported by the Brankovićs in 1448. Skanderbeg’s troops that were going to help John Hunyadi were stopped by the Branković’s troops, who was more or less a Turkish Vassal. Hungarian King John Hunyadi lost the battle after a two-day fight, but essentially stopped the Ottoman advance northwards. Kosovo then became vassalaged to the Ottoman Empire, until its direct incorporation after the final fall of Serbia in 1459.
    In 1455, new castles rose to prominence in Priština and Vučitrn, centres of the Ottoman vassalaged House of Branković.
    Ottoman rule
    The Ottomans brought Islamisation with them, particularly in towns, and later also created the Viyalet of Kosovo as one of the Ottoman territorial entities. Kosovo was taken by the Austrian forces during the Great War of 1683 – 1699 with help of 5,000 Albanians and their leader, a Catholic Archibishop Pjetër Bogdani. The archbishop died of plague during the war, and his grave was later reopened, with his body scattered and given to the dogs by the Ottomans because of his role in the rebellion. In 1690, the Serbian Patriarch of Peć Arsenije III, who previously escaped a certain death, led 37,000 families from Kosovo, to evade Ottoman wrath since Kosovo had just been retaken by the Ottomans. The people that followed him were mostly Serbs and Albanians abandoned – but they were likely followed by other ethnic groups. Due to the oppression from the Ottomans, other migrations of Orthodox people from the Kosovo area continued throughout the 18th century. It is also noted that some Serbs adopted Islam, while some even gradually fused with other groups, predominantly Albanianians, adopting their culture and even language.
    In 1766, the Ottomans abolished the Patriarchate of Peja/Pec and the position of Christians in Kosovo was greatly reduced. All previous privileges were lost, and the Christian population had to suffer the full weight of the Empire’s extensive and losing wars, even having blame forced upon them for the losses.
    Modern
    In 1871, a massive Serbian meeting was held in Prizren at which the possible retaking and reintegration of Kosovo and the rest of “Old Serbia” was discussed, as the Principality of Serbia itself had already made plans for expansions towards Ottoman territory.
    Albanian refugees from the territories conquered in the 1876-1877 Serbo-Turkish war and the 1877-1878 Russo-Turkish war are now known as ‘muhaxher’ (which means ‘refugee’, from Arabic muhajir). Their descendants still have the same surname, Muhaxheri. It is estimated that 200,000 to 400,000 Serbs were cleansed out of the Vilayet of Kosovo between 1876 and 1912, especially during the Greek-Ottoman War in 1897.
    In 1878, a Peace Accord was drawn that left the cities of Priština and Kosovska Mitrovica under civil Serbian control, and outside the juristiction of the Ottoman authorities, while the rest of Kosovo would be under Ottoman control. As a response, the Albanians formed the nationalistic and conservative League of Prizren in Prizren later the same year. Over three hundred Albanian leaders from Kosovo and western Macedonia gathered and discussed the urgent issues concerning protection of Albanian populated regions from division among neighbouring countries. The League was supported by the Ottoman Sultan because of its Pan-Islamic ideology and political aspirations of a unified Albanian people under the Ottoman umbrella. The movement gradually became anti-Christian and spread great anxiety among Christian Albanians and especially among Christian Serbs. As a result, more and more Serbs left Kosovo northwards. Serbia complained to the World Powers that the promised territories were not being held[clarify] because the Ottomans were hesitating to do that. The World Powers put pressure on the Ottomans and in 1881, the Ottoman Army began fighting the Albanian forces. The Prizren League created a Provisional Government with a President, Prime Minister (Ymer Prizreni) and Ministries of War (Sylejman Vokshi) and Foreign Ministry (Abdyl Frashëri). After three years of war, the Albanians were defeated. Many of the leaders were executed and imprisoned. The subsequent Treaty of San Stefano in 1878 restored most Albanian lands to Ottoman control, but the Serbian forces had to retreat from Kosovo along with some Serbs that were expelled as well[citation needed].
    In 1908, the Sultan brought a new democratic decrete that was valid only for Turkish-speakers. As the vast majority of Kosovo spoke Albanian or Serbian, the Kosovar population was very unhappy. The Young Turk movement supported a centralist rule and opposed any sort of autonomy desired by Kosovars, and particularely the Albanians. In 1910, an Albanian uprising spread from Priština and lasted until the Ottoman Sultan’s visit to Kosovo in June of 1911. The Aim of the League of Prizren was to unite the four Albanian Vilayets by merging the majority of Albanian inhabitants within the Ottoman Empire into one Albanian State. However, at that time Serbs have consisted about 25% of the whole Vilayt of Kosovo’s overall population and were opposing the Albanian rule along with Turks and other Slavs in Kosovo, which disabled the Albanian movements to occupy Kosovo.
    In 1912, during the Balkan Wars, most of Kosovo was taken by the Kingdom of Serbia, while the region of Metohija (Albanian: Dukagjini Valley) was taken by the Kingdom of Montenegro. An exodus of the local Albanian population occurred. This is best described by Leon Trotsky, who was a reporter for the Pravda newspaper at the time. The Serbian authorities planned a recolonization of Kosovo.[7] Numerous colonist Serb families moved-in to Kosovo, equalizing the demographic balance between Albanians and Serbs. Many Albanians fled into the mountains and numerous Albanian and Turkish houses were razed. The reconquest of Kosovo was noted as a vengeance for the 1389 Battle of Kossovo. At the Conference of Ambassadors in London in 1912 presided over by Sir Edward Grey, the British Foreign Secretary, the Kingdoms of Serbia and Montenegro were acknowledged sovereignty over Kosovo.
    In the winter of 1915-1916, during World War I, Kosovo saw a large exodus of Serbian army which became known as the Great Serbian Retreat. Defeated and worn out in battles against Austro-Hungarians, they had no other choice than to retreat, as Kosovo was occupied by Bulgarians and Austro-Hungarians. The Albanians joined and supported the Central Powers. As opposed to Serbian schools, numerous Albanian schools were opened during the ‘occupation’ (the majority Albanian population considered it a liberation). Allied ships were awaiting for Serbian people and soldiers at the banks of the Adriatic sea and the path leading them there went across Kosovo and Albania. Tens of thousands of soldiers have died of starvation, extreme weather and Albanian reprisals as they were approaching the Allies in Corfu and Thessaloniki, amassing a total of 100,000 dead retreaters.[citation needed] Transported away from the front lines, Serbian army managed to heal many wounded and ill soldiers and get some rest. Refreshed and regrouped, it decided to return to the battlefield. In 1918, the Serbian Army pushed the Central Powers out of Kosovo. During liberation of Kosovo, the Serbian Army committed atrocities against the population in revenge.[citation needed] Serbian Kosovo was unified with Montengrin as Montenegro subsequently joined the Kingdom of Serbia. After the World War I ended, the Monarchy was then transformed into the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians (Albanian: Mbretëria Serbe, Kroate, Sllovene, Serbo-Croatian: Kraljevina Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca) on 1 December 1918, gathering territories gained in victory.
    Kingdom of Yugoslavia and World War II
    The 1918-1929 period of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians witnessed a raise of the Serbian population in the region and a decline in the non-Serbian. In the Kingdom Kosovo was split onto four counties – three being a part of the entity of Serbia: Zvečan, Kosovo and southern Metohija; and one of Montenegro: northern Metohija. However, the new administration system since 26 April 1922 split Kosovo among three Areas of the Kingdom: Kosovo, Rascia and Zeta. In 1921 the Albanian elite lodged an official protest of the government to the League of Nations, claiming that 12,000 Albanians had been killed and over 22,000 imprisoned since 1918 and seeking a unification of Albanian-populated lands. As a result, an armed Kachak resistance movement was formed whose main goal was to unite Albanian-populated areas of the Kingdom to Albania.
    In 1929, the Kingdom was transformed into the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The territories of Kosovo were split among the Banate of Zeta, the Banate of Morava and the Banate of Vardar. The Kingdom lasted until the World War II Axis invastion of 1941.
    The greatest part of Kosovo became a part of Italian-controlled Fascist Albania, and smaller bits by the Tsardom of Bulgaria and Nazi German-occupied Kingdom of Serbia. During the fascist occupation of Kosovo by Albanians, until August 1941 alone, over 10,000 Serbs were killed and between 80,000 and 100,000 Serbs were expelled, while roughly the same number of Albanians from Albania were brought to settle in these Serbian lands. [8]
    Mustafa Kruja, the Prime Minister of Albania, was in Kosovo in June 1942, and at a meeting with the Albanian leaders of Kosovo, he said: “We should endeavor to ensure that the Serb population of Kosovo be – the area be cleansed of them and all Serbs who had been living there for centuries should be termed colonialists and sent to concentration camps in Albania. The Serb settlers should be killed.” [9][10]
    Prior to the surrender of Fascist Italy in 1943, the German forces took over direct control of the region. After numerous uprisings of Partisans led by Fadil Hoxha, Kosovo was liberated after 1944 with the help of the Albanian partisans of the Comintern, and became a province of Serbia within the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia.
    Kosovo in the second Yugoslavia
    The province was first formed in 1945 as the Autonomous Kosovo-Metohian Area to protect[citation needed] its regional Albanian majority within the People’s Republic of Serbia as a member of the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia under the leadership of the former Partisan leader, Josip Broz Tito, but with no factual autonomy. After Yugoslavia’s name change to the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and Serbia’s to the Socialist Republic of Serbia in 1953, Kosovo gained inner autonomy in the 1960s. In the 1974 constitution, the Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo’s government received higher powers, including the highest governmental titles — President and Premier and a seat in the Federal Presidency which made it a de facto Socialist Republic within the Federation, but remaining as a Socialist Autonomous Province within the Socialist Republic of Serbia. Tito had pursued a policy of weakning Serbia, as he believed that a “Weak Serbia equals a strong Yugoslavia”. To this end Vojvodina and Kosovo became autonomous regions and were given the above entitled privileges as defacto republics.[citation needed] Serbo-Croatian, Albanian and Turkish were defined as official languages on the provincial level marking the two largest linguistic Kosovan groups: Albanians and Serbs. In the 1970s, an Albanian nationalist movement pursued full recognition of the Province of Kosovo as another Republic within the Federation, while the most extreme elements aimed for full-scale independence. Tito’s arbitrary regime dealt with the situation swiftly, but only giving it a temporary solution. The ethnic balance of Kosovo witnessed unproportional increase as the number of Albanians tripled gradually rising from almost 75% to over 90%, but the number of Serbs barely increased and dropped in the full share of the total population from some 15% down to 8%. Even though Kosovo was the least developed area of the former Yugoslavia, the living and economic prospects and freedoms were far greater then under the totalitarian Maoist regieme in Albania.
    Beginning in March 1981, Kosovar Albanian students organized protests seeking that Kosovo become a republic within Yugoslavia. Those protests rapidly escalated into violent riots “involving 20,000 people in six cities”[11] that were harshly contained by the Yugoslav government. During the 1980s, ethnic tensions continued with frequent violent outbreaks against Serbs and Yugoslav state authorities resulting in increased emigration of Kosovo Serbs and other ethnic groups.[12][13] The Yugoslav leadership tried to suppress protests of Kosovo Serbs seeking protection from ethnic discrimination and violence.[14]
    In 1986, the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts (SANU) was working on a document which later would be known as the SANU Memorandum, a warning to the Serbian President and Assembly of the existing crisis and where it would lead. An unfinished edition was filtered to the press. In the essay, SANU criticised the state of Yugoslavia and made remarks that the only member state contributing at the time to the development of Kosovo and Macedonia (by then, the poorest territories of the Federation) was Serbia. According to SANU, Yugoslavia was suffering from ethnic strife and the disintegration of the Yugoslav economy into separate economic sectors and territories, which was transforming the federal state into a loose confederation.[15] On the other hand, some think that Slobodan Milošević used the discontent reflected in the SANU memorandum for his own political goals, during his rise to power in Serbia at the time.[16],
    Milošević was initially sent there as a member of the Communists party . Initially Milosevic did not talk to the Serbian nationalists who were at that point demonstrating for rights and freedoms that had been denied to them. During these meetings he agreed to listen to their grievances. During the meeting, outside the building where this forum was taking place police started fighting the locals who had gathered there, mostly Serbs eager to voice their grievances. After hearing about the police brutality outside of the halls, Milošević came out and in an emotional moment promised the local sebs that “Nobody would beat yo again.” This news byte was then seen on evening news that catapulted then an unknown Milošević to the forefront of the current debate about the problems on Kosovo.
    Since the 1974 Constitution, the Albanian controlled Kosovo communist officials in Kosovo had instituted a campaign of discrimination against non-Albanians, Serbs and other non-Albanians like the Roma, Turks and Macedonians, were fired from jobs and positions within the regional government apparatus. These repressions and grievances had been swept conveniently under the rug with the pretense of “Brotherhood and Unity” policy instituted by then already late Josip Broz Tito. Any reasoning to the contradictory, was quickly silenced. To the party leaderships chagrin, Mr. Milosevic insisted on finding a solution for the Kosovo situation, he was quickly labeled as a reactionary.
    In order to save his skin, Milosevic fought back and established a political coup d’etat. He gained effective leadership and control of the Serbian Communist party and pressed forward with the one issue that had catapulted him to the forefront of the political limelight, which was Kosovo. This By the end of the 1980s, calls for increased federal control in the crisis-torn autonomous province were getting louder. Slobodan Milošević pushed for constitutional change amounting to suspension of autonomy for both Kosovo and Vojvodina.[17]
    Kosovo and the breakup of Yugoslavia
    Inter-ethnic tensions continued to worsen in Kosovo throughout the 1980s. In particular, Kosovo’s ethnic Serb community, a minority of Kosovo population, complained about mistreatment from the Albanian majority. Milosevic capitalized on this discontent to consolidate his own position in Serbia. In 1987, Serbian President Ivan Stambolic sent Milošević to Kosovo to “pacify restive Serbs in Kosovo.” On that trip, Milošević broke away from a meeting with ethnic Albanians to mingle with angry Serbians in a suburb of Pristina. As the Serbs protested they were being pushed back by police with batons, Milošević told them, “No one is allowed to beat you.”[18] This incident was later seen as pivotal to Milosevic’s rise to power.[citation needed]
    On June 28, 1989, Milosevic delivered a speech in front of a large number of Serb citizens at the main celebration marking the 600th anniversary of the Battle of Kosovo, held at Gazimestan. Many think that this speech helped Milosevic consolidate his authority in Serbia.[19]
    In 1989, Milošević, employing a mix of intimidation and political maneuvering, drastically reduced Kosovo’s special autonomous status within Serbia. Soon thereafter Kosovo Albanians organized a non-violent separatist movement, employing widespread civil disobedience, with the ultimate goal of achieving the independence of Kosovo. Kosovo Albanians boycotted state institutions and elections and established separate Albanian schools and political institutions. On July 2, 1990, an unconstitutional Kosovo parliament declared Kosovo an independent country, although this was not recognized by Belgrade or any foreign states. Two years later, in 1992, the parliament organized an unofficial referendum which was observed by international organizations but was not recognized internationally. With an 80% turnout, 98% voted for Kosovo to be independent.
    Kosovo War
    Kingdom of Yugoslavia and World War II
    The 1918-1929 period of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians witnessed a raise of the Serbian population in the region and a decline in the non-Serbian. In the Kingdom Kosovo was split onto four counties – three being a part of the entity of Serbia: Zvečan, Kosovo and southern Metohija; and one of Montenegro: northern Metohija. However, the new administration system since 26 April 1922 split Kosovo among three Areas of the Kingdom: Kosovo, Rascia and Zeta. In 1921 the Albanian elite lodged an official protest of the government to the League of Nations, claiming that 12,000 Albanians had been killed and over 22,000 imprisoned since 1918 and seeking a unification of Albanian-populated lands. As a result, an armed Kachak resistance movement was formed whose main goal was to unite Albanian-populated areas of the Kingdom to Albania.
    In 1929, the Kingdom was transformed into the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The territories of Kosovo were split among the Banate of Zeta, the Banate of Morava and the Banate of Vardar. The Kingdom lasted until the World War II Axis invastion of 1941.
    The greatest part of Kosovo became a part of Italian-controlled Fascist Albania, and smaller bits by the Tsardom of Bulgaria and Nazi German-occupied Kingdom of Serbia. During the fascist occupation of Kosovo by Albanians, until August 1941 alone, over 10,000 Serbs were killed and between 80,000 and 100,000 Serbs were expelled, while roughly the same number of Albanians from Albania were brought to settle in these Serbian lands. [8]
    Mustafa Kruja, the Prime Minister of Albania, was in Kosovo in June 1942, and at a meeting with the Albanian leaders of Kosovo, he said: “We should endeavor to ensure that the Serb population of Kosovo be – the area be cleansed of them and all Serbs who had been living there for centuries should be termed colonialists and sent to concentration camps in Albania. The Serb settlers should be killed.” [9][10]
    Prior to the surrender of Fascist Italy in 1943, the German forces took over direct control of the region. After numerous uprisings of Partisans led by Fadil Hoxha, Kosovo was liberated after 1944 with the help of the Albanian partisans of the Comintern, and became a province of Serbia within the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia.
    Kosovo in the second Yugoslavia
    The province was first formed in 1945 as the Autonomous Kosovo-Metohian Area to protect[citation needed] its regional Albanian majority within the People’s Republic of Serbia as a member of the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia under the leadership of the former Partisan leader, Josip Broz Tito, but with no factual autonomy. After Yugoslavia’s name change to the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and Serbia’s to the Socialist Republic of Serbia in 1953, Kosovo gained inner autonomy in the 1960s. In the 1974 constitution, the Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo’s government received higher powers, including the highest governmental titles — President and Premier and a seat in the Federal Presidency which made it a de facto Socialist Republic within the Federation, but remaining as a Socialist Autonomous Province within the Socialist Republic of Serbia. Tito had pursued a policy of weakning Serbia, as he believed that a “Weak Serbia equals a strong Yugoslavia”. To this end Vojvodina and Kosovo became autonomous regions and were given the above entitled privileges as defacto republics.[citation needed] Serbo-Croatian, Albanian and Turkish were defined as official languages on the provincial level marking the two largest linguistic Kosovan groups: Albanians and Serbs. In the 1970s, an Albanian nationalist movement pursued full recognition of the Province of Kosovo as another Republic within the Federation, while the most extreme elements aimed for full-scale independence. Tito’s arbitrary regime dealt with the situation swiftly, but only giving it a temporary solution. The ethnic balance of Kosovo witnessed unproportional increase as the number of Albanians tripled gradually rising from almost 75% to over 90%, but the number of Serbs barely increased and dropped in the full share of the total population from some 15% down to 8%. Even though Kosovo was the least developed area of the former Yugoslavia, the living and economic prospects and freedoms were far greater then under the totalitarian Maoist regieme in Albania.
    Beginning in March 1981, Kosovar Albanian students organized protests seeking that Kosovo become a republic within Yugoslavia. Those protests rapidly escalated into violent riots “involving 20,000 people in six cities”[11] that were harshly contained by the Yugoslav government. During the 1980s, ethnic tensions continued with frequent violent outbreaks against Serbs and Yugoslav state authorities resulting in increased emigration of Kosovo Serbs and other ethnic groups.[12][13] The Yugoslav leadership tried to suppress protests of Kosovo Serbs seeking protection from ethnic discrimination and violence.[14]
    In 1986, the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts (SANU) was working on a document which later would be known as the SANU Memorandum, a warning to the Serbian President and Assembly of the existing crisis and where it would lead. An unfinished edition was filtered to the press. In the essay, SANU criticised the state of Yugoslavia and made remarks that the only member state contributing at the time to the development of Kosovo and Macedonia (by then, the poorest territories of the Federation) was Serbia. According to SANU, Yugoslavia was suffering from ethnic strife and the disintegration of the Yugoslav economy into separate economic sectors and territories, which was transforming the federal state into a loose confederation.[15] On the other hand, some think that Slobodan Milošević used the discontent reflected in the SANU memorandum for his own political goals, during his rise to power in Serbia at the time.[16],
    Milošević was initially sent there as a member of the Communists party . Initially Milosevic did not talk to the Serbian nationalists who were at that point demonstrating for rights and freedoms that had been denied to them. During these meetings he agreed to listen to their grievances. During the meeting, outside the building where this forum was taking place police started fighting the locals who had gathered there, mostly Serbs eager to voice their grievances. After hearing about the police brutality outside of the halls, Milošević came out and in an emotional moment promised the local sebs that “Nobody would beat yo again.” This news byte was then seen on evening news that catapulted then an unknown Milošević to the forefront of the current debate about the problems on Kosovo.
    Since the 1974 Constitution, the Albanian controlled Kosovo communist officials in Kosovo had instituted a campaign of discrimination against non-Albanians, Serbs and other non-Albanians like the Roma, Turks and Macedonians, were fired from jobs and positions within the regional government apparatus. These repressions and grievances had been swept conveniently under the rug with the pretense of “Brotherhood and Unity” policy instituted by then already late Josip Broz Tito. Any reasoning to the contradictory, was quickly silenced. To the party leaderships chagrin, Mr. Milosevic insisted on finding a solution for the Kosovo situation, he was quickly labeled as a reactionary.
    In order to save his skin, Milosevic fought back and established a political coup d’etat. He gained effective leadership and control of the Serbian Communist party and pressed forward with the one issue that had catapulted him to the forefront of the political limelight, which was Kosovo. This By the end of the 1980s, calls for increased federal control in the crisis-torn autonomous province were getting louder. Slobodan Milošević pushed for constitutional change amounting to suspension of autonomy for both Kosovo and Vojvodina.[17]
    Kosovo and the breakup of Yugoslavia
    Inter-ethnic tensions continued to worsen in Kosovo throughout the 1980s. In particular, Kosovo’s ethnic Serb community, a minority of Kosovo population, complained about mistreatment from the Albanian majority. Milosevic capitalized on this discontent to consolidate his own position in Serbia. In 1987, Serbian President Ivan Stambolic sent Milošević to Kosovo to “pacify restive Serbs in Kosovo.” On that trip, Milošević broke away from a meeting with ethnic Albanians to mingle with angry Serbians in a suburb of Pristina. As the Serbs protested they were being pushed back by police with batons, Milošević told them, “No one is allowed to beat you.”[18] This incident was later seen as pivotal to Milosevic’s rise to power.[citation needed]
    On June 28, 1989, Milosevic delivered a speech in front of a large number of Serb citizens at the main celebration marking the 600th anniversary of the Battle of Kosovo, held at Gazimestan. Many think that this speech helped Milosevic consolidate his authority in Serbia.[19]
    In 1989, Milošević, employing a mix of intimidation and political maneuvering, drastically reduced Kosovo’s special autonomous status within Serbia. Soon thereafter Kosovo Albanians organized a non-violent separatist movement, employing widespread civil disobedience, with the ultimate goal of achieving the independence of Kosovo. Kosovo Albanians boycotted state institutions and elections and established separate Albanian schools and political institutions. On July 2, 1990, an unconstitutional Kosovo parliament declared Kosovo an independent country, although this was not recognized by Belgrade or any foreign states. Two years later, in 1992, the parliament organized an unofficial referendum which was observed by international organizations but was not recognized internationally. With an 80% turnout, 98% voted for Kosovo to be independent.
    Kosovo War
    One of the events that contributed to Milošević’s rise of power was the Gazimestan Speech, delivered in front of 100,000 Serb citizens at the central celebration marking the 600th anniversary of the Battle of Kosovo, held at Gazimestan on 28 June, 1989. Soon afterwards the autonomy of Kosovo was reduced. After Slovenia’s secession from Yugoslavia in 1991, Milošević used the seat to attain dominance over the Federal government, outvoting his opponents.
    Albanians organized a peaceful separatist movement. State institutions and elections were boycotted and separate Albanian schools and political institutions were established. On July 2, 1990 Kosovo Parliament declared Kosovo an independent country, this was only recognized by Albania. In September of that year, the parliament, meeting in secrecy in the town of Kaçanik, adopted the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo. Two years later, in 1992, the parliament organized an unofficial referendum which was observed by international organisations but was not recognized internationally. With an 80% turnout, 98% voted for Kosovo to be independent.
    With the events in Bosnia and Croatia coming to an end, the Serb government started relocating Serbian refugees from Croatia and Bosnia all over Serbia, including in Kosovo. In a number of cases, Albanian families were expelled from their apartments to make room for the refugees[citation needed].
    After the Dayton Agreement in 1995, some Albanians organized into the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), employing guerilla-style tactics against Serbian police forces and civilians. Violence escalated in a series of KLA attacks and Serbian reprisals into the year 1999, with increasing numbers of civilian victims. In 1998 western interest increased and the Serbian authorities was forced to sign a unilateral cease-fire and partial retreat. Under an agreement led by Richard Holbrooke, OSCE observers moved into Kosovo to monitor the ceasefire, while Yugoslav military forces partly pulled out of Kosovo. However, the ceasefire was systematically broken shortly thereafter by KLA forces, which again provoked harsh counterattacks by the Serbs. On 16 January 1999, the bodies of 45 Albanian civilians were found in the town of Racak. The victims had been executed by Serb forces [20][21]. The so-called Racak Massacre was instrumental in increasing the pressure on Serbia in the following conference at Rambouillet. After more than a month of negotations Yugoslavia refused to sign the prepared agreement, primarily, it has beeen argued, because of a clause giving NATO forces access rights to not only Kosovo but to all of Yugoslavia (which the Yugoslav side saw as tantamount to military occupation).
    This triggered a 78-day NATO campaign in 1999. At first limited to military targets in Kosovo proper, the bombing campaign was soon extended to cover targets all over Yugoslavia, including bridges, power stations, factories, broadcasting stations, post offices, and various government buildings.
    During the conflict roughly a million ethnic Albanians fled or were forcefully driven from Kosovo, several thousand were killed (the numbers and the ethnic distribution of the casualties are uncertain and highly disputed). An estimated 10,000-12,000 ethnic Albanians and 3,000 Serbs are believed to have been killed during the conflict. Some 3,000 people are still missing, of which 2,500 are Albanian, 400 Serbs and 100 Roma.[22]
    During the Kosovo War, Serbs also engaged in a deliberate campaign of cultural destruction and rampage. According to a report compiled by the Kosovo Cultural Heritage Project, Serbian forces tried to wipe out all Albanian culture and traditions. Of the 500 mosques that were in use prior to the war, 200 of them were completely destroyed or desecrated. The report concludes that most mosques were deliberately set on fire with no sign of fighting around the area. Among numerous other things, the following important objects were destroyed because they represented Albanian as well as Muslim and Catholic cultures:
    Sinan Pasha Mosque in Prizren, the Prizren League Museum, the Hadum Mosque complex in Gjakova (Serbian: Djakovica); the historic bazaars in Gjakova and Pec (Albanian: Peja); the Roman Catholic church of St. Anthony in Gjakova; and two old Ottoman bridges, Ura e Terzive (Terzijski most) and Ura e Tabakeve (Tabacki most), near Gjakova.[23]
    Kosovo after the war
    After the war ended, the UN Security Council passed Resolution 1244 that placed Kosovo under transitional UN administration (UNMIK) and authorized KFOR, a NATO-led peacekeeping force. Almost immediately returning Kosovo Albanians attacked Kosovo Serbs [1], causing some 200,000-280,000[24] Serbs and other non-Albanians[25] to flee (note: the current number of internally displaced persons is disputed,[26][27][28][29] with estimates ranging from 65,000[30] to 250,000[31][32][33]). Many displaced Serbs are afraid to return to their homes, even with UNMIK protection. Around 120,000-150,000 Serbs remain in Kosovo, but are subject to ongoing harassment and discrimination.
    In 2001, UNMIK promulgated a Constitutional Framework for Kosovo that established the Provisional Institutions of Self-Government (PISG), including an elected Kosovo Assembly, Presidency and office of Prime Minister. Kosovo held its first free, Kosovo-wide elections in late 2001 (municipal elections had been held the previous year). UNMIK oversaw the establishment of a professional, multi-ethnic Kosovo Police Service.
    In March 2004, Kosovo experienced its worst inter-ethnic violence since the Kosovo War. The unrest in 2004 was sparked by a series of minor events that soon cascaded into large-scale riots. Kosovo Albanians mobs burned hundreds of Serbian houses, Serbian Orthodox Church sites (including some medieval churches and monasteries) and UN facilities. Kosovo Police established a special investigation team to handle cases related to the 2004 unrest and according to Kosovo Judicial Council by the end of 2006 the 326 charges filed by municipal and district prosecutors for criminal offenses in connection with the unrest had resulted in 200 indictments: convictions in 134 cases, and courts acquitted eight and dismissed 28; 30 cases were pending. International prosecutors and judges handled the most sensitive cases[34].
    Politics and governance
    UN Security Council Resolution 1244 placed Kosovo under transitional UN administration pending a determination of Kosovo’s future status. This Resolution entrusted the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) with sweeping powers to govern Kosovo, but also directed UNMIK to establish interim institutions of self-governance. Resolution 1244 permits Serbia no role in governing Kosovo and since 1999 Serbian laws and institutions have not been valid in Kosovo. NATO has a separate mandate to provide for a safe and secure environment.
    In May 2001, UNMIK promulgated the Constitutional Framework, which established Kosovo’s Provisional Institutions of Self-Government (PISG). Since 2001, UNMIK has been gradually transferring increased governing competencies to the PISG, while reserving some powers that are normally carried out by sovereign states, such as foreign affairs. Kosovo has also established municipal government and an internationally-supervised Kosovo Police Service.
    According to the Constitutional Framework, Kosovo shall have a 120-member Kosovo Assembly. The Assembly includes twenty reserved seats: ten for Kosovo Serbs and ten for non-Serb minorities (Bosniaks, Roma, etc.). The Kosovo Assembly is responsible for electing a President and Prim

  2. Nastavlja se odgovor Flori Bruqi-ja

    After Kosovo-wide elections in October 2004, the LDK and AAK formed a new governing coalition that did not include PDK and Ora. This coalition agreement resulted in Ramush Haradinaj (AAK) becoming Prime Minister, while Ibrahim Rugova retained the position of President. PDK and Ora were critical of the coalition agreement and have since frequently accused the current government of corruption.
    Ramush Haradinaj resigned the post of Prime Minister after he was indicted for war crimes by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in March 2005. He was replaced by Bajram Kosumi (AAK). But in a political shake-up after the death of President Rugova in January 2006, Kosumi himself was replaced by former Kosovo Protection Corps commander Agim Ceku. Ceku has won recognition for his outreach to minorities, but Serbia has been critical of his wartime past as military leader of the KLA and claims he is still not doing enough for Kosovo Serbs. The Kosovo Assembly elected Fatmir Sejdiu, a former LDK parliamentarian, president after Rugova’s death. Slaviša Petkovic, Minister for Communities and Returns, was previously the only ethnic Serb in the government, but resigned in November 2006 amid allegations that he misused ministry funds.[35][36]
    Kosovo Status Process

    A UN-led political process began in late 2005 to determine Kosovo’s future status. Belgrade has proposed that Kosovo be highly autonomous and remain a part of Serbia — Belgrade officials have repeatedly said that an imposition of Kosovo’s independence would be a violation of Serbia’s sovereignty and therefore contrary to international law. Pristina asserts that Kosovo should become independent, arguing that the violence of the Milosevic years has made continued union between Kosovo and Serbia not viable.
    UN Special Envoy Martti Ahtisaari, former president of Finland, leads the status process; Austrian diplomat Albert Rohan is his deputy. Ahtisaari’s office — the UN Office of the Special Envoy for Kosovo (UNOSEK) — is located in Vienna and includes liaison staff from NATO, the EU and the United States.
    On February 2, 2007, UN Special Envoy Martti Ahtisaari delivered to Belgrade and Pristina leaders a draft status settlement proposal. The proposal covered a wide range of issues related to Kosovo’s future, in particular measures to protect Kosovo’s non-Albanian communities such as decentralization of government, protection of Serbian Orthodox Church heritage and institutional protections for non-Albanian communities. While not mentioning the word “independence,” the draft included several provisions that were widely interpreted as implying statehood for Kosovo. In particular, the draft Settlement would give Kosovo the right to apply for membership in international organizations, create a Kosovo Security Force and adopt national symbols.[37] Ahtisaari conducted several weeks of consultations with the parties in Vienna to finalize the Settlement, including a high-level meeting on March 10 that brought together the Presidents and Prime Ministers of both sides. After this meeting, leaders from both sides signaled a total unwillingness to compromise on their central demands (Pristina for Kosovo’s independence; Belgrade for sovereignty over Kosovo). Concluding that there was no chance for the two sides to reconcile their positions, Ahtisaari said he would submit to the UN Security Council his own proposed status arrangements, including an explicit recommendation for the status outcome itself, by the end of March.[38]
    Most international observers believe these negotiations will lead to Kosovo’s independence, subject to a period of international supervision.[39] Nevertheless, Russian President Vladimir Putin stated in September 2006 that Russia may veto a UN Security Council proposal on Kosovo’s final status that applies different standards than those applied to the separatist Georgian regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia.[40] The Russian ambassador to Serbia has asserted that Russia will use its veto power unless the solution is acceptable to both Belgrade and Priština.[41]
    In a survey carried out by UNDP and published in March 2007, 96 % of Kosovo Albanians and 77 % of non- Serb minorities in Kosovo wants Kosovo to become independent within present borders. 78 % of the Serb minority wants Kosovo to be autonomous province within Serbia. Only 2.5 % of the Albanians want unification with Albania[42].
    The Contact Group has said that regardless of status outcome a new International Civilian Office (ICO) will be established in Kosovo to supervise the implementation status settlement and safeguard minority rights. NATO leaders have said that KFOR will be maintained in Kosovo after the status settlement. The EU will establish a European Security and Defense Policy Rule of Law mission to focus on the police/justice sectors.
    Economy of Kosovo

    Kosovo has one of the most under-developed economies in Europe, with a per capita income estimated at €1,565 (2004).[43] Despite substantial development subsidies from all Yugoslav republics, Kosovo was the poorest province of Yugoslavia.[44] Additionally, over the course of the 1990s a blend of poor economic policies, international sanctions, poor external commerce and ethnic conflict severely damaged the economy.[45]
    Kosovo’s economy remains weak. After a jump in 2000 and 2001, growth in Gross Domestic Product (GDP) was negative in 2002 and 2003 and is expected to be around 3 percent 2004-2005, with domestic sources of growth unable to compensate for the declining foreign assistance. Inflation is low, while the budget posted a deficit for the first time in 2004. Kosovo has high external deficits. In 2004, the deficit of the balance of goods and services was close to 70 percent of GDP. Remittances from Kosovars living abroad accounts for an estimated 13 percent of GDP, and foreign assistance for around 34 percent of GDP.[46]
    Most economic development since 1999 has taken place in the trade, retail and the construction sectors. The private sector that has emerged since 1999 is mainly small-scale. The industrial sector remains weak and the electric power supply remains unreliable, acting as a key constraint. Unemployment remains pervasive, at around 40-50% of the labor force.[47][48]
    UNMIK introduced de-facto an external trade regime and customs administration on September 3, 1999 when it set customs border controls in Kosovo. All goods imported in Kosovo face a flat 10% customs duty fee.[49] These taxes are collected from all Tax Collection Points installed at the borders of Kosovo, including those between Kosovo and Serbia.[50] UNMIK and Kosovo institutions have signed Free Trade Agreements with Croatia,[51] Bosnia and Herzegovina,[52] Albania[53] and Macedonia.[54]
    Macedonia is Kosovo’s largest import and export market (averaging €220 million and €9 million, respectively), followed by Serbia-Montenegro (€111 million and €5 million), Germany and Turkey.[55]
    The Euro is the official currency of Kosovo and used by UNMIK and the government bodies.[56] The Serbian Dinar is used in the Serbian populated parts.
    The economy is hindered by Kosovo’s still-unresolved international status, which has made it difficult to attract investment and loans.[57] The province’s economic weakness has produced a thriving black economy in which smuggled petrol, cigarettes and cement are major commodities. The prevalence of official corruption and the pervasive influence of organised crime gangs has caused serious concern internationally. The United Nations has made the fight against corruption and organised crime a high priority, pledging a “zero tolerance” approach.[58]
    Demographic history of Kosovo
    According to the Kosovo in Figures 2005 Survey of the Statistical Office of Kosovo,[59] Kosovo’s total population is estimated between 1.9 and 2.2 million in the following ethnic proportions:
    • 92% Albanians (between 2,272,000 and 2,400,000)
    • 6.5% Serbs (between 126,000 and 140,000)
    • 0.9% Bosniaks (between 20,200 and 28,000)
    • 1.7% Roma (between 30,600 and 34,000) (see also Roma in Mitrovica Camps)
    • 1.1% Turks (between 18,000 and 25,000)
    • 0.5% Gorani (approx. 12,000)
    However, the figures are highly disputable. Some estimates are that there is an Albanian majority well above 90 percent. The population census is set to take place in the near future. Others give much higher figures for Roma and Turks.[60][61] The majority of the Albanians in Kosovo are Atheist, Agnostics and Muslims, and most Serbs are Eastern Orthodox. About 15% of the Albanians in Kosovo are Catholics.[62]
    Kosovo is divided into seven districts:

    • Priština/Prishtina District
    • Prizren/Prizreni District
    • Peć/Peja District
    • Uroševac/Ferizaji District
    • Đakovica/Gjakova District
    • Kosovska Mitrovica/Mitrovica District
    • Gnjilane/Gjilani District
    North Kosovo maintains its own government, infrastructure and institutions by its dominant ethnic Serb population in the Mitrovica District, viz. in the Leposavic, Zvecan and Zubin Potok municipalities and the northern part of Kosovska Mitrovica.
    Cities

    List of largest cities in Kosovo (with population figures in 2006):[63]
    • Priština/Prishtina (562,686)
    • Prizren/Prizreni (165,229)
    • Uroševac/Ferizaji (97,741)
    • Đakovica/Gjakova (97,156)
    • Peć/Peja (95,190)
    • Gnjilane/Gjilani (91,595)
    • Kosovska Mitrovica/Mitrovica (86,359)
    • Podujevo/Podujeva (48,526)
    Albanian/Kosovan musicians, Music of Kosovo, Music of Serbia, List of Serbian musicians
    Music has always been a part of the Albanian and Serbian culture. Although in Kosovo music is diverse (as it got mixed with the cultures of different regimes dominating in Kosovo), authentic Albanian music (see World Music) and Serbian music do still exist. The Albanian one is characterized by use of çiftelia (an authentic Albanian instrument), mandolin, mandola and percussion. In Kosovo, along with modern music, folk music is very popular. There are many folk singers and ensembles (both Albanian and Serbian). Classical music is also well known in Kosovo and has been taught at universities (at the University of Prishtina Faculty of Arts and the University of Priština at Kosovska Mitrovica Faculty of Arts) and several pre-college music schools The modern music in Kosovo has its origin from the Western countries. The main modern genres include: Pop, Hip Hop, Rock and Jazz. The most notable rock bands are: Gjurmët, Troja, Votra, Diadema, Humus, Asgjë sikur Dielli, Kthjellu, Cute Babulja, Babilon, etc. Ilir Bajri is a notable jazz and electronic musician. Most notable hip-hop performers are the rap-group called NR (urbaNRoots) who also introduced a new type of rap different to the G-Funk that was widely spread before. Other hip-hop artists include Unikkatil (who lives in the USA but represents Kosovo), Tingulli 3, Ritmi I Rrugës, Mad Lion, K-OS and many more.
    Leonora Jakupi and Adelina Ismajli are two of the most popular commercial singers in Kosovo today. | There are some notable music festivals in Kosovo:
    • Rock për Rock – contains rock and metal music
    • Polifest – contains all kinds of genres (usually hip hop, commercial pop, unusually rock and never metal)
    • Showfest – contains all kinds of genres (usually hip hop, commercial pop, unusually rock and never metal)
    • Videofest – contains all kinds of genres
    • Kush Këndon Lutet Dy Herë – contains christian music
    • North City Jazz & Blues festival, an international music festival held annually in Zvecan
    Kosovo Radiotelevisions like RTK, 21 and KTV have their musical charts.
    List of Presidents
    http://www.worldstatesmen.org/Yugoslavia.html#Kosovo
    • Ibrahim Rugova, 4 March 2002 – 21 January 2006
    • Fatmir Sejdiu, 10 February 2006 – present
    List of Prime Ministers
    • Bajram Rexhepi, 4 March 2002 – 3 December 2004
    • Ramush Haradinaj, 3 December 2004 – 8 March 2005
    • Bajram Kosumi, 23 March 2005 – 10 March 2006
    • Agim Çeku, 10 March 2006-present
    References
    1. ^ “Kosovo’s status – the wheels grind on”, The Economist, October 6, 2005.
    2. ^ “A province prepares to depart”, The Economist, November 2, 2006.
    3. ^ “Kosovo May Soon Be Free of Serbia, but Not of Supervision”, by Nicholas Wood, The New York Times, November 2, 2006.
    4. ^ “Serbia shrinks, and sinks into dejection”, by WILLIAM J. KOLE, The Associated Press, November 19, 2006.
    5. ^ “Russia threatens veto over Kosovo”, BBC News, April 24, 2007.
    6. ^ Административно територијална подела Републике Србије на покрајине, округе, општине и Град Београд
    7. ^ [http://www.elsie.de/pdf/B2002GatheringClouds.pdf Elsie, R. (ed.) (2002): Gathering Clouds. The roots of ethnic cleansing in Kosovo. Early twentieth-century documents. Dukagjini Balkan Books, Peja (Kosovo, Serbia). ISBN 9951-05-016-6
    8. ^ Krizman, Serge. “Massacre of the innocent Serbian population, committed in Yugoslavia by the Axis and its Satellite from April 1941 to August 1941″. Map. Maps of Yugoslavia at War, Washington, 1943
    9. ^ Bogdanovic, Dimitrije. “The Book on Kosovo”. 1990. Belgrade: Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, 1985. page 2428.
    10. ^ Genfer, Der Kosovo-Konflikt, Munich: Wieser, 2000. page 158.
    11. ^ New York Times 1981-04-19, “One Storm has Passed but Others are Gathering in Yugoslavia”
    12. ^ Reuters 1986-05-27, “Kosovo Province Revives Yugoslavia’s Ethnic Nightmare”
    13. ^ Christian Science Monitor 1986-07-28, “Tensions among ethnic groups in Yugoslavia begin to boil over”
    14. ^ New York Times 1987-06-27, “Belgrade Battles Kosovo Serbs”
    15. ^ SANU (1986): Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts Memorandum. GIP Kultura. Belgrade.
    16. ^ http://www.opendemocracy.net/articles/ViewPopUpArticle.jsp?id=2&articleId=3361 Julie A Mertus: “Slobodan Milošević: Myth and Responsibility”
    17. ^ Reuters 1988-07-30, “Yugoslav Leaders Call for Control in Kosovo, Protests Loom”
    18. ^ http://www.cnn.com/SPECIALS/2000/kosovo/stories/past/milosevic/
    19. ^ The Economist, June 05, 1999, U.S. Edition, 1041 words, What’s next for Slobodan Milosevic?
    20. ^ http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/1812847.stm
    21. ^ http://www.hrw.org/press/1999/jan/yugo0129.htm
    22. ^ http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/781310.stm
    23. ^ http://www.haverford.edu/relg/sells/kosovo/herscherriedlmayer.htm
    24. ^ “Kosovo: The Human Rights Situation and the Fate of Persons Displaced from Their Homes (.pdf) “, report by Alvaro Gil-Robles, Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, Strasbourg, October 16, 2002, p. 30.
    25. ^ Note: Including Roma, Egyptian, Ashkalli, Turks and Bosniaks. – Sources:
    o Coordinating Centre of Serbia for Kosovo-Metohija: Principles of the Program for Return of Internally Displaced Persons from Kosovo and Metohija
    o “Kosovo: The Human Rights Situation and the Fate of Persons Displaced from Their Homes (.pdf) “, report by Alvaro Gil-Robles, Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, Strasbourg, October 16, 2002, p. 30.
    26. ^ UNHCR, Critical Appraisal of Responsee Mechanisms Operating in Kosovo for Minority Returns, Pristina, February 2004, p. 14.
    27. ^ U.S. Committee for Refugees (USCR), April 2000, Reversal of Fortune: Yugoslavia’s Refugees Crisis Since the Ethnic Albanian Return to Kosovo, p. 2-3.
    28. ^ “Kosovo: The human rights situation and the fate of persons displaced from their homes (.pdf) “, report by Alvaro Gil-Robles, Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, Strasbourg, October 16, 2002.
    29. ^ International Relations and Security Network (ISN): Serbians return to Kosovo not impossible, says report (.pdf) , by Tim Judah, June 7, 2004.
    30. ^ European Stability Initiative (ESI): The Lausanne Principle: Multiethnicity, Territory and the Future of Kosovo’s Serbs (.pdf) , June 7, 2004.
    31. ^ Coordinating Centre of Serbia for Kosovo-Metohija: Principles of the program for return of internally displaced persons from Kosovo and Metohija .
    32. ^ UNHCR: 2002 Annual Statistical Report: Serbia and Montenegro, pg. 9
    33. ^ U.S. Committee for Refugees and Immigrants (USCRI): Country report: Serbia and Montenegro 2006.
    34. ^ U.S State Department Report, published in 2007
    35. ^ “Kosovo: Serb minister resigns over misuse of funds “, Adnkronos international (AKI), November 27, 2006
    36. ^ “Sole Kosovo Serb cabinet minister resigns: PM “, Agence France-Presse (AFP), November 24, 2006.
    37. ^ “UN envoy seeks multi-ethnic, self-governing Kosovo “, Agence France-Presse (AFP), Vienna, February 2, 2007.
    38. ^ “[http://news.yahoo.com/s/nm/20070310/wl_nm/serbia_kosovo1_dc_4;_ylt=AvL5xEUliSVd9RrxZLjpSI8XxHcA UN to decide Kosovo's fate as talks end deadlocked] “, Reuters, Vienna, March 10, 2007.
    39. ^ “Kosovo’s status — the wheels grind on”, The Economist, October 6, 2005
    40. ^ “Putin says world should regard Kosovo, separatist Georgian regions on equal footing”, International Herald Tribune, September 13, 2006.
    41. ^ “Russian ambassador: Compromise or veto”, B92, December 4, 2006.
    42. ^ UNDP: Early Warning Report page 16, March 2007 http://www.kosovo.undp.org/repository/docs/EWR15FinalENG.pdf
    43. ^ worldbank.org
    44. ^ Christian Science Monitor 1982-01-15, “Why Turbulent Kosovo has Marble Sidewalks but Troubled Industries”
    45. ^ worldbank.org
    46. ^ http://ec.europa.eu/economy_finance/publications/enlargement_papers/2005/elp26en.pdf
    47. ^ http://www.eciks.org/english/lajme.php?action=total_news&main_id=386
    48. ^ http://ec.europa.eu/economy_finance/publications/enlargement_papers/2005/elp26en.pdf
    49. ^ http://www.buyusa.gov/kosovo/en/doingbusinessinkosovo.html
    50. ^ http://www.seerecon.org/kosovo/documents/wb_econ_report/wb-kosovo-econreport-2-2.pdf
    51. ^ Croatia, Kosovo sign Interim Free Trade Agreement, B92, 2 October 2006
    52. ^ euinkosovo.org
    53. ^ http://www.kosovo-eicc.org/oek/index.php?page_id=64
    54. ^ http://www.buyusa.gov/kosovo/en/doingbusinessinkosovo.html
    55. ^ Kosovo Economic Briefing (April), worldbank.org
    56. ^ http://www.euinkosovo.org/uk/invest/invest.php
    57. ^ “Brussels offers first Kosovo loan”, BBC News Online, 3 May 2005.
    58. ^ Transparency Initiative for Kosovo (TIK), UN Development Programme in Kosovo.
    59. ^ http://www.ks-gov.net/esk/esk/pdf/english/general/kosovo_figures_05.pdf
    60. ^ http://www.salon.com/news/1999/03/31newsa.html
    61. ^ http://www.serbianunity.net/news/world_articles/Dragnich1098.html
    62. ^ Religion in Kosovo – International Crisis Group
    63. ^ http://www.world-gazetteer.com/wg.php?x=&men=gcis&lng=en&dat=32&srt=npan&col=aohdq&geo
    External links
    • The office of Prime Minister of Kosovo English version
    • Kosovo Assembly (Kuvendi i Kosovës) English version
    • The Official Webportal of Tourism in Kosovo
    • EU Commission report on economic development in Accession countries, including Kosovo
    http://www.unosek.org/unosek/index.html UN Special Envoy’s Office Website
    • Kosovo travel guide from Wikitravel
    • RTK – Kosovo’s public television – news in Albanian, Serbian, Turkish and Roma
    • KosovaKosovo A source of information reflecting both sides’ claims in the dispute
    • UNMIK UN led civilian administration in Kosovo.
    • EU EU Pillar in Kosovo.
    • Otvoreno A place where Serbian politicians speak openly on the Kosovo issue. In Serbian language only.
    • KIM-Info News Service, News from Kosovo in English and Serbian
    • (ICG) International Crisis Group, a source of independent analysis on Kosovo issues.
    • Kosovo Roma Oral History Project An advocacy website for Kosovo’s Roma/ Gypsies, with significant details on Kosovo’s contested history.
    • ECIKS Economic Initiative for Kosovo, information on investment opportunities.
    • US State Dept. fact sheet “The Ethnic Cleansing of Kosovo”
    • Kosovo Blog Online” Kosovo Search Challenge: Helping people find information for Kosovo, the positive side of Kosovo.
    Pro-Albanian
    • Albanian.com A Community portal where Albanians share information and ideas.
    • Alliance for a New Kosovo A Policy Resource on Kosovo Independence.
    • KosovoEvidence.com – movie about what happened in Kosovo during the war
    • Economic Initiative for Kosovo – “…latest news, analysis and publications from the Kosovar economy”
    • Why Independence for Kosovo? A summary of the case for an independent Kosovo by two Priština intellectuals
    • Alliance for New Kosovo A policy resource on Kosovo independence
    • Kosovo Crisis Center A collection of articles on Kosovo, in English.
    • AACL Albanian American Civic League.
    • KosovaLive Kosovo Albanian independent news agency (this section in English).
    • American Council for Kosova – U.S. nonprofit organization dedicated to a better understanding of the issue of Kosovo by the American public
    Pro-Serbian
    • Serbian Government for Kosovo-Metohija Website that focusses on the human rights situation of Serbian and other non-Albanian populations in Kosovo. (in English and Serbian)
    • Kosovo Compromise Presentation on Kosovo issue of 4S Institute, Brussels
    • Rastko Project dedicated to Serb and Serb-related arts and humanities(in English)
    • Terror in Kosovo Terror in Kosovo (in English)
    • Coordination Center of SCG and the Republic of Serbia for Kosovo (in English, Serbian and Albanian)
    • Kosovo-The Land of the Living past (in English)
    • B92 Serbian Independent news agency (in English)
    • Save Kosovo – U.S. nonprofit organization dedicated to promoting a better American understanding of the Serbian province of Kosovo and Metohija and of the critical American stake in the province’s future. (in English)
    • Kosovo 2006 Making of a Compromise (in English)
    • Diocese Kosovo of Serbian Orthodox Church (in English, Serbian and Russian)

  3. Otvoreno pismo gosp.J.Bojicu povodom pisma
    “Svi prijatelji kosmetskih albanaca” i dopisa Mr.sc.Flori Bruqi-ja “Klupko se odmotava”.

    1. Flori Bruqi je poznati kosovski naucnik i knjizevnik sa svetskom reputacijom.

    2. za nas albanaca gospodin Bojic je nepoznat,koji pise gluposti za pojedine licnosti(politicara)svetskog glasa.

    3.Albanci nikada nisu bili nacisti niti su vrsili ikada hegemonizaciju prema drugim narodima.

    4.Sto se tice oko hrscanstva,jevreji su bili prvi,grci i Iliri tj albanci pre XXI vek.

    5.Za to imamo i Bibliske dokaze da su Iliri,prvi na tlu Balkana priznali pravoga Boga kada Sveti Pavle prosetao od Jerusalema do tla Balkana -ILIRDU (ako gosp.Bojic ne zna onda neka procita Stari zavjest tj.Pismo slata Romi,Deo 15,vrst 19 tj.Starijeg Zaveta”.

    6.Srbi su dosli na Balkan pocetkom VII veka iz Karpate,pa su uzeli silom najivnickih obicaja i kulture ovom bogatom kraju Balkana tj.Iliride.

    7.Dobro bi bilo da Vas Bojic i ostali Srbi da citaju knjigu Akademika Aleksa Stipcevica “Ilirska kultura i arkeologija Balkana”.Verovatno ovu knjigu mozete naci na Srpsku Akademiju Nauka,umetnosti i Znanosti u Beogradu,ul.Knjeza milosa broj 13.

    8.Sto se ticne Masakara na Kosovu od strane VJ,MUP-a i paravojnih formacija to za Vas nije prvi put.Vi ste vrsili masakre nad neduznim ljudima u Osijeku,Srebrenci,tj u citavoj Bosni,a na kraju i na Kosovu.

    9.Za Vas citav svjet je nepravdan,a mi cisto sumnjamo da li stvarno Vi zasluzujete da zivete na teritoriju ILIRIDE (gde su bili potomci Albanacaa) i na teritoriju Evrope!!!

    Flori Bruqi,je rekao sve o Vama pa sada,nemamo vise sta da kazemo za vas gosp.Bojicu,posto ne zasluzejete jer Vi predikujete samo mrznju prema svim naroda sveta.

    Na karaju priroda cini svoje,Vas vraca tamo gde se bili na Beogradski pasaluk,a takodje i nas vraca po cjeloj Dardaniji gde smo bili pre 2000 godine sa teritorijom!!!

    I niko ne moze ratovati protiv prirode i vremena,jer mi smo imali prvog prevodioca Biblije ,od starog grckog jezika na latinskom jeziku( Svetog Jeronima .Potom imali smo Svetog Djona Franceza Albana,Papu Klimentu VI na XVI veku.Svetog Flori…i velikog Georga Kastriota -Skenderbega koji je branio Srbiju,Madjarsku,Austriju od Turaka.

    Na kraju imamo i Svetu majku Terezu,koja je od strane
    Vatikana je proglasena Sveta Makja Tereza.

    S postovanjem.

    Hajdar Fejzullahu

    Prishtina,11.5.2007

  4. Mada ono o cemu sam ja pisao i ovaj odgovor gospodina Florija nemaju jedno s drugim veze, evo i u tom odgovoru odnosno plagijatu na engleskom (posto mi predhodni jezik nije razumljiv) izmedju ostalog pise:

    Tito had pursued a policy of weakning Serbia, as he believed that a “Weak Serbia equals a strong Yugoslavia”. To this end Vojvodina and Kosovo became autonomous regions and were given the above entitled privileges as defacto republics.[citation needed] Serbo-Croatian, Albanian and Turkish were defined as official languages on the provincial level marking the two largest linguistic Kosovan groups: Albanians and Serbs. In the 1970s, an Albanian nationalist movement pursued full recognition of the Province of Kosovo as another Republic within the Federation, while the most extreme elements aimed for full-scale independence. Tito’s arbitrary regime dealt with the situation swiftly, but only giving it a temporary solution. The ethnic balance of Kosovo witnessed unproportional increase as the number of Albanians tripled gradually rising from almost 75% to over 90%, but the number of Serbs barely increased and dropped in the full share of the total population from some 15% down to 8%. Even though Kosovo was the least developed area of the former Yugoslavia, the living and economic prospects and freedoms were far greater then under the totalitarian Maoist regieme in Albania.

    Dakle ovaj deo na engleskom je jedini deo bi se donekle odnosio na jedan deo moga pisanja. Odnosno on jasno pokazuje sta je austrijski kaplarica sa grupom maloletnika u CK postigao posle drugog svetskog rata. To je da unisti Srpski entitet sto je moguce vise. Kada rekoh maloletnika, u CK dozvolite mi da pojasnim situaciju malo bolje. Komunisticki pokret s kraja 19 i pocetka 20 veka nije mogao da zazivi kao jedan masovni pokret. Oko tog pokreta su se mahom okupljali balavci. KP Jugaoslavije uoci Drugog svetskog rata je brojala svega nekih 6000 do 9000 clanova. Mahom regrutovanih iz Cene Gore, i najneuglednijih i necasnih porodica iz Sumadije, Bosne, Vojvodine. Mozemo ih zajednickim imenom nazvati srpski komunisti, ali ne i Srbi. Jer je jedno od osnovnih obelezja nacionalnog religija. Komunisti su pljunuli na svoju religiju i samim tim se deklarisali kao internacionalisti, fiktivan antropoloski naziv, odnosno oni su kao takvi sebe proglasili fiksiom. Kad je posredstvom i spletkama raznih obavestajnih sluzbi na celo KPJ koja je izmedju dva rata bila desetkovana ubacen austruijski kaplarica propali sloser, da stane na celo te KPJ osim njega stariji je bio jedino Mosa Pijade. Ostali su svi bili izmedju 12 i 15 godina mladji od njega. Posle njega u CK prvi po strosti je bio Milovan Djilas koji je za njegovim godinama kaskao nekih 12 unazad. Ostali kao recimo Zujovic, Vukoman Tempo Stambolici, Kidric i su jedva po starosti dosezali 28 godina po zavrsetku rata. Dakle sasvim dovoljno da ih jedan vest neznanc kako Djilas opisuje austrijskog kaplaricu zedne prevede preko vode.

    Ali taj vest neznanac inace vrlo dobro poznat nemackom vermajhu je Srpski sentiment prema Britanskoj slobodi i demokratiji pretvorio posle rata u poraz. Tako uzimati njegovo delo i njegove administraivne podela za bazu stvaranja nekih banana drzavica je cista iluzija. U ovom citatu na engleskom se dakle pominje period iz sedamdesetih gde se kaze da je na Kosovu jos u tom periodu bilo 75% Srba. Da bi se taj broj drasticno smanjio za narednih desetak godina a albanski faktor se uvecao na preko 90%. Medjutim prema popisu stanovnistva iz vremena jos pre prvog svetskog rata Sraba je recimo u Bosni bilo preko 70%, (profesor Kann ‘History of the Hasburgs Empire’). Kosovo tada nije bilo kao neki posebni entitet te se i ne spominje nigde i ne uvazava nigde. Zatim Otomaska administracija nije vodjena uredno te se zapravo ne moze doneti zakljucak koliko je Albanaca zivelo na podrucju Kosmeta pre zavrsetka balkanskih ratova 1912 – 1913. Na mirovnoj konferenciji i konacnom razgranicenju posle zavrsetka ovih ratova u Bukurestu su ucesvovale i velike sle, Britanija Francuska, Austro – Ugarska, Nemacka i Rusija. Niko tada nije pravio nikakvo pitanje oko oblasti kju su komunisti kreirali kao poseban entitet da pripadne Srbiji posto je bilo ocigledno da je u to vreme u toj oblasti dominiralo srpsko stanovnistvo. I sami komunisti su popisom pedesetih i sesdesetih uocavali da na Kosovu je bilo dominentno srpsko stanovnistvo, iako nisu dozvolili da se trista hiljada prognanih Srba u vreme nacisticke okupacije vrati nazad u tu oblast.

    Dakle gledajuci realno i sa naucne tacke gledista nije tesko ustanoviti da je genocid nad Srbima zapocet u vreme Drugog Svetskog rata sistematski nastavljen i pod komunistickom vladavinom. To na kraju i stoji u citatu na engleskom. U trenutnoj konstelaciji i kidnapovanju velikih demokratija kave su nekada bile USA i Velika Britanija, taj genocid se nastoji privesti kraju.

    Sto se tice price o nekavom ilirskom poreklu Albanaca, to je cista iluzija. Jezik i imena Albanaca su slicni jeziku i imenima Kurda, pa cak i po fizionomiji ta dva naroda imaju mnogo slicnosti. Jedno su vreme Hrvati tvrdili da su Ilirskog porekla danas Albanci. Ne verujem da je bilo ko mogao od Ilira da prezivi tretman kojem su ti Iliri bili podvrgnuti u vreme Rimske Imperije. Ilire biblija ngde ne pominje niti pak ozbiljni istoricari Hriscanstva. Oni bi to morali da ucine s obzirom, da je Dioklecian najvece masakre pocinio nad Hriscanima. On je jedno vreme bio guverner svih oblasti nastanjenih danasnjim Balknaskim Narodima. Prica o ilirskom poreklu nije uverljiva i zato ja nemam nameru da u ovom momentu bez sire amnalize trosim vreme na izmisljene frazologije.

    Nesto i o toj ubogoj ekonomiji Kosova. Pre skoro dvadesetak godina bio sam upucen od svoje kompanije u Detroit da resim jedan problem na kompjuteru Ford Motors Kompanije. To je bio moj prvi odlazak U USA posle tri godine zivota u Kanadi. Ne znajuci za situaciju i za probleme siromasnih cetvrti velikih americkih gradova, put ka Fordovoj poslovnoj zgradi ucinio mi se najkracim preko Dzeferson Avenije. Kada sam se od Renesans Centra udaljio ovom aveniom, nikada u zivotu nisam preziveo veci strah nego tada. Dosao sam ziv i citav u Ford. Kada sam sefu tamosnjeg centra opisao kuda sam dosao, on me zbunjeno pogleda i upita: Pa zar Vama nisu objasnili u Torontu da tuda ne idete! Ne.- Odgovorih ja. Znate sta idite sada autoputem nazad i ne pomisljajte da se tuda vracate nazad. Kada sam godine 1997 putovaoo sa dva poslovna saradnika na Kosovo, jedan Madjar a drugi Nemac, prlazeci od Subotice do Beograda i zalazeci ibarskom magistralom prema Kosovu, oni su me ismevali zasto koga djavola i vraga trazim ja u Kanadi. Cekajte dok stignemo na Kosovo. Samo sto smo stigli ispred Pristine, tacnije prolazeci kroz Kosovo Polje, a ono razbacana hartija plastika, djubriste i bunjiste na sve strane. Kad smo prosli pristinu, i krenuli put Prizrena, moji se sardnici nasmejase i rekose. Velika razlika.

    Od tog vremena kada sam prosao prvi put Dzeferson Aveniom kroz Detroit a kasnije u Bostonu, Cikagu Njujorku i Vasingtonu, i drugim velikim americkim gradovima, prolazeci pored tih siromasnih gradskih cetvrti, a onda to iskustvo sa Albancima na Kosovu, uvek sebi kazem. Ne pitaj onoga koji ima zasto ima, nego onoga sto nema zasto nema. Samo Kosovo polje a da ne govorimo i druge oblasti oko Drima bi bilo u stanju da prozvede vise hrane nego mozda cela Vojvodina i Slavonija. Jer je kvalitet zemljista prvorazredan. No Kosovu od kada znam za sebe treba nekava pomoc isto kao i onima sto po velikim amreickim gradovima zive u siromasnim cetvrtima, na drzavnoj ispomoci. Ne treba biti Bizmark pa doci do zakljucka da nekontrolisanom populaciom i neradom se ne ide u progres vec unazad. Koliko su sredstava komunisti poarcili na Kosovu, da bi stvorili ono sto se danas zove dominirajuci faktor albanske populacije, sa najvecom bedom u Evropi? I sta su time postigli osim da Srpski zivalj potisnu iz te oblasti?

    Janko Bojic

  5. Kratko Gospodinu Fajdulahu.

    A za mene ja taj gospodin Fati novost. Nikada ranije za njega nisam cuo, a po kvlitetu pisanja mi se cini da je njegov akademski nivo veoma sapleten.

    Ja gospodine ne pisem i ne pricam gluposti. Gluposti i lazi su pricali i pisali Bul Klintomn, Mad Olbrajt, i drugi laici i lakrdijasi u svetskoj politici ovoga vremena. Nedavno je Miroslav Laznski imao interviju sa komandantom nemackog korpusa smestenog u Prizrenu. Lazanski je izgleda mnogo vise upucen u noviju proslost Albanaca i od mene i od vaseg Florija. Da ne idemo dalje i da nabrajamo druge izvore iz negativne proslosti albanskog zivlja, treba pogledati sta Lazanski pise u jednom od tih intervijua, sa tim odvratnim neonacistom koji se sada smestio u Prizrenu. I zasto on simpatise Albance. Dovoljno je procitati samo kako rekoh taj interviju, pa izvesti pravilan zakljucak koliko su Albanci dali doprinosa razvoju nacizma, fasizma, i neonacizma. Gospodine Fajdulahu da Albanci nisu bili simpatizeri i sardnici nacista, ne bi ih danasnje neonacisticke bande koje se zaklnjaju iza paravana deminterne, podrzavale, i ne bih im u susret izasle snage danasnje neoncisticke Nemacke.

    Ja ne citiram kao Vas kvazi naucnik Flori, kvazi naucnike i politicare. Moje tvrdnje su postavljene na bazi proucavanja ozbilnih studija ozbiljnih istoricara i ozbiljnih drzavnika. U mojim tvrdnjama sadrzani su citati i ideje takvih Licnosti kavi su bili Lojd George, Vinston Curchil, predsednici Vilson, Harding, Ruzvelt i Ajzenhauer. To su licnosti koji su nama Srbima bili prijatelji, a glupaca Olbrajt i neskolovani Klinton, me ne zanimaju. Od istoricara ja se najvise oslanjam na Martina Gilberta i profesora Roberta Kana. Njih vas naucnik Flori ne sme ni da spomene. A spominje neka marginalna nacisticka i komunisticka skarabatala.

    Sa takvima na koje se vi oslanjate ja vam zelim srecan
    put u neizvesnu buducnost i jos vece siromastvo. I upamtite nicija nije vecno gorela.

    Janko Bojic

  6. Pismo knjizevnika iz Pristine:
    Celi diskurs, vestina i kob skrivanja zlocina je tako usadjena u
    glavama i jastvu srpskih politicara u Srbiji i srpskih cetnika koji
    zive u Pittsburgu (jer im Tito nije dao prostora da kolju Hrvate,
    Slovence, Makedonce, Albance, Madjare itd.) da nama primera u svetskoj
    historiji, jer ono sto kamera vidi i ceo svet vidi sem srpski narod
    nije u stanju da vidi… onda je problem ili u dioptriji ili u Matanoji…
    ovo je tako pateticno da stvarno ima problema u ontoloskom smislu sa
    tim ljudima.

    Pa ceo boj na Kosovu je instrumentalizovan u Korsiti srpskog naroda,
    toliko pisanja o tome toliko buke a svet nije slep i zna da su se
    protiv Turaka borili Albanci , Madjari, Bugari pa rat u Sloveniji,
    Hrvatskoj, Bosni, i najzad na Kosovu, na sta vam sve ovo lici, wake
    up.

    A onaj demokratski infrazvucni glas u Srbiji kojeg guse nacionalisti,
    svestan je poput Tarabica iz Kremne/Zlatibora zato cvili, i prorocuje
    gubitak na duge staze, ali kome? Bas vam je sada i Tomislav Nikolic
    jos trebao. U proavom trenutku, Aferin.

    Nema potrebe za zidove sa Albancima, vi sebi stvarate zid u Evropi dok
    se seli svet pa cak i Turska zeli integrisati, Vreme vam je stalo u
    devedesetima kada vas Milosevic dojio lazima. Gde je SSSR a vi
    kukudacite o nekoj Jugoslaviji u kojoj ste vi carovali, i vidi se iz
    aviona zasto jadikujete. Zalim, toga vise nema, nema Staljina, nema
    Hruscova, nema Breznjeva, ali ima Gorbacova, Klintona, Cedomira
    Jovanovica, Sonje Biserko, Miljenko Derete, Vladislava Bajca, Radivoja
    Sajtinca, Aresenijevica. A ima i srba kojih jako vole Srbiju pa zbog
    toga misle da samo ljudi na vlasti mogu njih izbaviti, a dokazalo se
    suprotno samo onih na vlasti kolju buducnost srpskog naroda.

    Proslo je vreme kada se samo vas glas cuo jer su drugi cutali dok su
    vasa Akadamija nauka i ljudi u njoj takmicili koji od akademaca ce
    izmisliti crniju rec za Albance. Proslo je vreme kada ste mogli
    skrivati zlocine jer je SSSR prestao postojati. Proslo je vreme kada
    ste vesto lagali… cekaj o tome je pisao Cosic

    “Lažemo da bi smo obmanuli sebe, da uteÅ¡imo drugog; lažemo iz
    samilosti, da nas nije strah, da ohrabrimo, da sakrijemo svoju i tudju
    bedu, lažemo zbog poštenja. Lažemo zbog slobode. Laž je vid našeg
    patriotizma i potvrda naše urodjene inteligencije. Lažemo stvaralacki,
    maÅ¡tovito, inventivno.”

    I proslo je vreme kada visoki srpski svestenici blagosilju koljace

    “The Mountain Wreath” written by P.P. NjegoÅ¡ you will see how Vladika
    (high rank clergyman and statesman) blesses those who murdered their
    own brothers of different faith – Slavic muslims (bošnjaci) and very
    likely Albanians of the Monte Negro too. Citat iz stranih novina.

    I proslo je vreme kada se moze igrati na religijskoj karti da posto su
    Albanci vecina muslimani da su svi dzihadisti, a medju Albanaca ima i
    pravoslavnih, i katolika ( za vasu informaciju predsednik Parlamenta
    Kosova je katolik) i da medju Albancima nikada nije bilo verskih
    prepirkih, kao sto ima medju Srba i Makedonaca iako iste religije.(
    Prohor Pcinjski slucaj)

    Problem je u tome sto Albanci su kadri da razlikuju sta i ko od vas je
    nacionalista, ali vecina srba to nemogu jer su toliko izmanipulirani i
    generalizuju sve Albance sa Teroristima i onima kojim treba staviti
    zid u slucaju nezavisnosti.

    Odgovornost sada lezi u srpskim nezavisnim medijama, knjizevnicima,
    umetnicima, historicarima da dekontaminuju arhaicnu, ubilacku i
    zalopojnu svest, koji trebaju imati ulogu vaspitaca i odgojitelja, da
    da vas uce da Srbe vole svi osim srba, da Srbi su trazili sve i
    izgubili sve, da Srbima nije kasno da se izvine Hrvatima u Vukovaru,
    Bosnjacima u Srebrenici i Albancima u Racaku, kao sto su to uradili
    nemci zrtvama holokausta. A da bi beda bila veca sve se ovo desilo u
    dvadesetom veku, i konacno ljudi vas nisu mogli gledati kako koljete
    druge jer je vreme Njegosa, i drugih vladika koji blagosiljaju ubice
    proslo i neko vam je rekao STOP.

    Fahredin Shehu
    Knjizevnik

  7. U zavisnosti od toga ko i sta cita i sta pise. Ja nisam cuda radi podvukao da ja svoje saznaje i znanje postavljam na postulatima verodostojnim i precizno tacnim. Austrijski kaplarica i njegovi komunisti su olicenje zlocinstva i produzena ruka upravo pravih koljaca nacista i fasista kojim se jedino moze zahvaliti sto je istorija Balkana pogazena i okljana. Ko je bio Jozef Broz propali sloser? O cetnicima i njihovom pokretu ne pisu naravno pozitivno komunisticka skarabatala. O njima su pisali ozbiljno Carls De Gale, Vinston Curchil, Martin Gilbert, predsednik Ruzvelt, i druge otmene i uvazene licnosti iz moderne istorije. Niko tako hrabro i otmeno nije stao i podigao glas protiv nemacke okupacije u bilo kome delu okupirane evrope od strane nacizma kao sto je to uradio Draza Mihailovic. “Ne priznajem Okupaciju” – rekao je on. Ja opet kazem i ponavljam, komunisti su izazvali gradjanski rat u vreme okupacije, ubijali neduzan srpski narod i masakrima nad pobijenim nemackim vojnicima izazvali pokolje i odmazde nevidjene u istoriji. Nemacke akcije ovakvih postuaka sve normalne i uvazene institucije u svetu osodjuju, kao najveci varvarizam. Kragujevac, Kraljevo, Jasenovac, Jadovno, Velika gradiska, sve su to stecista i stradalista koja prevazilaze svaku dozu civilizacijskih normi. Nije mi poznato da je ovakvih odmazdi bilo u Tirani, Dracu, Valoni. Jeste bilo ubistava Srba na podrucju Kosova od strana abanskih Balista, jezgra danasnje teroristicke organizacije sto se zove OVK. A sta da kazemo za Agima Ceku koji je umalo usmrtio ali je onesposobio nekolicinu Kanadskih vojnika u Hrvatskoj, i koga i danas ti vojnici traze da bude isporucen u Kanadu da bi mu se sudilo. U tom svom zverskom postupku u Medaku taj isti Ceku se istakao kao najveci varvarin u modernoj istoriji. Koga ruka pravde jos nije sustigla. Takvoga ovi naucnici iz Pristine danas imaju za sefa njihovog ‘Ilirskog’ plemena. Na znanje ovome knjizevniku iz pristine, cetnicki pokret u Srbiji ima svoje dublje korene i on je bio olicenje i ostao olicenje borbe za slobodu, i visoke moralne principe. Zato vas albanski pokrovitelj austrijski kaplarica Jozef Broz, i nikada nije posetio Francusku dok je ona bila slobodna zemlja. Jer mu De Gale nikada nije hteo oprostiti za mucko i pokvareno ubistvo svoga skolskoga druga Draze Mihailovica. Eto nasi su se srpski oficiri druzili i skolovali sa takvima. A u kojim je skolama i sa kim Vas Agim Ceku izucavao vojnu doktrinu i strategiju?

    Znate sta bacih jutros pogled na knjigu profesora Lafana. Da podsetim sve one koji ovako drsko pljuju i vredjaju srpsku istoriju. U knjzi profesora Lafana ima mnogo zlocinstava i brutalnosti opisanih koje su pocinila primitivna albanska plemena jos u vremenu pre drugog svetskog rata. Ja umem da budem i mnogo sarhasticniji nego sto sam do sada. Gledajte svoja posla i uzivajte u svojim varvarskim iluzijama. Mi Srbi nismo vas proterali Albance sa Kosova, nego to cine bas upravo Albanci Srbima i drugim narodima tamo. Stice ce takve zlocince ruka pravde kada tada. Bicu odsutan nekoliko dana ali i bez obzira na to necu dozvoloti primitivcima i pokvarenjacima da krivotvore istoriju. Jer ovo krivotvorenje istorije nije smo pljuvanje po Srpskoj proslosti nego i po proslosti mnogih drugih cestitih i postenih licnosti iz proslog veka. Inace ako ove kvazi knjizevnike, jer ja niti sam naucnik niti knjizevnik, interesuje, kav je licemer i krimimanlac bio Jozef Sloser, sto ga zovu kao neki tito, neka pogledju u knjgu Martina Giberta “Put ka pobedi” sta u periodu avgusta 1944 Vinston Curcil govori tom astrijskom kaplarici. Ja sam adamentan – Curchil kaze kaplarici i strogo ti saopstavam da ne smes da upotrebljavas pomoc koju ti Velika Britanija daje da ubijas Srbe. Sloser – marsal je da bi utekao iz Italije obecao da nece ubijati Srbe, medjutim maskri Srba su cim je Sloser stigao u Beograd nastavljeni. @1 Oktombra 1944 u Beogradu je pobijeno vise od 40 hiljada nedinog stovnistva. O tome je opsirnije piso Milovan Djilas u svoim delima.

    Janko Bojic

  8. “KLUPKO SE ODMOTAVA”

    ZNA LI NEKO KO JE “ANALITICAR”, “ZH” KLASE -JANKO BOJIC!!!???

    Postovani gosp.Bojicu,

    Ogovor sam Vam dao do sada 8 puta .

    Sada ne mogu polemisati sa kvazi-istoricarom koji blage veze nema sa istorijom svog naroda a kamoli Albanskog naroda.

    Naime,namerno sam na prvom delu pisao sam na slovenackom jeziku da naucis malo bole istoriju albanskog naroda tj.DARDANA,ILIRA!!!

    Na engleskom jeziku (na kratko)pisao sam svetsku istoriju(pa i moju albansku od 1 godine do 2007.godine).

    Sto se tice svetskih politicara ima ko da ih proceni(valjda nisi ti taj sudija Garde Cara Lazara ,de ces ih suditi Vinston Churchil,Bil Klingtona,Toni Blera, Madlin Olbrajta, Vesli Klarka,…generala Ramusha haradinaja,generala Hashim Thaqi-ja,generala Agima Çeku ,…knjizevnika Flori Bruqi-ja,…i 2 miliona albanaca koji zele da Kosovo bude nesvrstana.

    Na kraju ja jos jednom govorim istoriske cinjenice,a Vi Bojicu govorite za Hitlera!!! Zar Vam Vas Milosevic ,
    nije bio Srpski Hitler!!!

    J ne podcenjujem istoriju nijednog naroda ,pa ni VASEG naroda.

    Zao mi je gosp.Bojicu sto si “istoricar-analiticar ZH klase “…

    Radi znanja : Flori Bruqi ,polemisao vise puta sa najvecim Srpskim umovima Akademije Umetnosti i Znanosti Srbije (80-90-tih)godina ali slabog partnera do sada nisam imao!!!

    Javite se kada budete spremni da ucite pre svega svoju istoriju od VII veka,Srednjeg Veka i najnoviju istoriju nacista Slobodana Milosevica i ostalih istomislenika kao sto ste Vi dragi moj”naucniku”Zh.klase!

    Flori Bruqi
    Odgovor ti je dao poznati kosovski knjizevnik Fahredin Shehu i gosp. Hajdra Fejzulahu…

    Sto se tice srpskih spijuna Miroslava Lazanskog,Marka Lopusine,Gajica Davida ,Radeta Djordjevica i sl.oni nemaju blage veze sta se desava(lo) na Kosovu…

    Kosovo ce biti NESVRSTANA ZEMLJA,a bogami Srbija sa ovim politicarima moze da se vrati na istoriju VII stoleca!!!

  9. Odgovor F.Bruqi-ja na psimo J.Bojica povodom optuzbe za generala Agim Çeku

    G.Bojicu,dobro bi bilo da procitas ko je Agim Çeku?

    Agim Ceku: US State Dept photoAgim Çeku (born 29 October 1960 in the village of Qyshk, Peje [1], in Kosovo) is the Prime Minister of Kosovo.[2]

    Çeku is ethnically Albanian and is a former commander of the Kosovo Protection Corps (KPC)………………………..
    F.Bruqi

    Redakcijski komentar

    Poštovani gospodine Bruqi svi budući komentari koji nisu na Srbskom jeziku nece biti više objavljivani. Uz dužno poštovanje da Vama i ostalim čitaocima dopustimo da kažu šta misle ili da odgovore na ostale komentare mi nažalost nememo resurse da prevodimo sa Engelskog, Slovenačkog, Albanskog i ostalih belosvetskih jezika. Hvala na razumevanju.
    Srđan Marjanović


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Писанија Грешног Милоја
Проф. Др. Миодраг Петровић

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